799 resultados para 160603 Comparative Government and Politics
Resumo:
This thesis examines the construction of Aboriginality in recent public policy reasoning through identifying representations deployed by architects and supporters of the Commonwealth’s 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response (the intervention). Debate about the Northern Territory intervention was explicitly situated in relation to a range of ideas about appropriate Government policy towards Indigenous people, and particularly about the nature, role, status, value and future of Aboriginality and of Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders. This project involves analysis of constructions of Aboriginality deployed in texts created and circulated to explain and justify the policy program. The aim of the project is to identify the ideas about Aboriginality deployed by the intervention’s architects and supporters, and to examine the effects and implications of these discourses for political relationships between Indigenous people and settlers in Australia. This thesis will argue that advocates of the Northern Territory intervention construct Aboriginality in a range of important ways that reassert and reinforce the legitimacy of the settler colonial order and the project of Australian nationhood, and operate to limit Aboriginal claims. Specifically, it is argued that in linking Aboriginality to the abuse of Aboriginal children, the intervention’s advocates and supporters establish a political debate about the nature and future of Aboriginality within a discursive terrain in which the authority and perspectives of Indigenous people are problematised. Aboriginality is constructed in this process as both temporally and spatially separated from settler society, and in need of coercive integration into mainstream economic and political arrangements. Aboriginality is depicted by settler advocates of intervention as an anachronism, with Aboriginal people and cultures understood as primitive and/or savage precursors to settlers who are represented as modern and civilised. As such, the communities seen as the authentic home or location of Aboriginality represent a threat to Aboriginal children as well as to settlers. These constructions function to obscure the violence of the settler order, provide justification or moral rehabilitation for the colonising project, and reassert the sovereignty of the settler state. The resolution offered by the intervention’s advocates is a performance or enactment of settler sovereignty, representing a claim over and through both the territory of Aboriginal people and the discursive terrain of nationhood.
Resumo:
Like other Western nations, since the nineteenth century Australia has been a representative democracy, in which citizens elect parliamentary representatives to make decisions and develop policies on their behalf (see chapter 5). These representatives are supported in their decision making by an ‘arm’s-length’, ‘techno-bureaucratic administration’, which includes experts such as environmental planners (Fung and Wright 2003, p. 3). However, as the issues for decision-making become increasingly complex, and societies increasingly diverse, the idea of citizen participation in decision-making is ever more accepted. There is now a significant body of political theory arguing for a more participatory model of democracy (participatory democracy), a model that strives to create opportunities for all members of a society to contribute meaningfully to decisions about the matters affecting their lives.
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The housing construction industry in Saudi Arabia has been booming rapidly in the past two decades. This boom has faced multiple downfalls in relation to government regulations and building codes, one of which is the application of sustainable methods to the housing construction. This paper sheds some light on the current role of the Saudi government and the role of the Saudi Building Code (SBC) in the housing construction industry. The methodology utilised in this paper was a Delphi survey that was distributed to twenty-five key stakeholders in the housing construction industry in Saudi Arabia. The results indicate that there is a lack of integration between the Saudi Building Code and the current construction methods used in the current construction industry. Some factors and elements are recommended to be incorporated into the Saudi Building Code and to be adopted as regulations in the Saudi housing construction industry.
Resumo:
In 2003 Robert Fardon was the first prisoner to be detained under the Dangerous Prisoners (Sexual Offenders) Act 2003 (Qld), the first of the new generation preventive detention laws enacted in Australia and directed at keeping sex offenders in prison or under supervision beyond the expiry of their sentences where a court decides, on the basis of psychiatric assessments, that unconditional release would create an unacceptable risk to the community. A careful examination of Fardon’s case shows the extent to which the administration of the regime was from the outset governed by politics and political calculation rather than the logic of risk management and community protection. In 2003 Robert Fardon was the first person detained under the Dangerous Prisoners (Sexual Offenders) Act 2003 (Qld) (hereafter DPSOA), a newly enacted Queensland law aimed at the preventive detention of sex offenders. It was the first of a new generation of such laws introduced in Australia, now also in force in NSW, Western Australia and Victoria. The laws have been widely criticized by lawyers, academics and others (Keyzer and McSherry 2009; Edgely 2007). In this article I want to focus on the details of how the Queensland law was administered in Fardon’s case, he being perhaps the most well-known prisoner detained under such laws and certainly the longest held. It will show, I hope, that seemingly abstract rule of law principles invoked by other critics are not simply abstract: they afford a crucial practical safeguard against the corruption of criminal justice in which the ends both of community protection and of justice give way to opportunistic exploitation of ‘the mythic resonance of crime and punishment for electoral purposes’ (Scheingold 1998: 888).
Resumo:
Recent research has identified marine molluscs as an excellent source of omega-3 long-chain polyunsaturated fatty acids (lcPUFAs), based on their potential for endogenous synthesis of lcPUFAs. In this study we generated a representative list of fatty acyl desaturase (Fad) and elongation of very long-chain fatty acid (Elovl) genes from major orders of Phylum Mollusca, through the interrogation of transcriptome and genome sequences, and various publicly available databases. We have identified novel and uncharacterised Fad and Elovl sequences in the following species: Anadara trapezia, Nerita albicilla, Nerita melanotragus, Crassostrea gigas, Lottia gigantea, Aplysia californica, Loligo pealeii and Chlamys farreri. Based on alignments of translated protein sequences of Fad and Elovl genes, the haeme binding motif and histidine boxes of Fad proteins, and the histidine box and seventeen important amino acids in Elovl proteins, were highly conserved. Phylogenetic analysis of aligned reference sequences was used to reconstruct the evolutionary relationships for Fad and Elovl genes separately. Multiple, well resolved clades for both the Fad and Elovl sequences were observed, suggesting that repeated rounds of gene duplication best explain the distribution of Fad and Elovl proteins across the major orders of molluscs. For Elovl sequences, one clade contained the functionally characterised Elovl5 proteins, while another clade contained proteins hypothesised to have Elovl4 function. Additional well resolved clades consisted only of uncharacterised Elovl sequences. One clade from the Fad phylogeny contained only uncharacterised proteins, while the other clade contained functionally characterised delta-5 desaturase proteins. The discovery of an uncharacterised Fad clade is particularly interesting as these divergent proteins may have novel functions. Overall, this paper presents a number of novel Fad and Elovl genes suggesting that many mollusc groups possess most of the required enzymes for the synthesis of lcPUFAs.
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Isolates of Sclerotinia sclerotiorum were collected from infected lentil plants from 2 agro-ecological zones of Syria and used to study their comparative growth on culture media and pathogenicity on different lentil genotypes. The growth studies were carried out on Potato Dextrose Agar (PDA) growth media under laboratory conditions. Mycelial radial growth and sclerotial production were the parameters used to compare the isolates. Pathogenicity studies were carried out with selected isolates on 10 lentil genotypes, infected as detached shoots and as whole potted-plants in the plastic house. The isolates showed considerable variation in cultural characteristics through mycelial growth, mycelial pigmentation and sclerotial production in the media plates. There were significant differences in the growth and sclerotial production of most of the isolates, but no apparent correlation between mycelial growth and sclerotial production among the isolates. Genotype by isolate interactions was significant for the isolates tested for pathogenicity. These interactions, however, appeared to be caused by differences in virulence of the isolates and did not suggest the occurrence of distinct pathogenic races of the pathogen isolates.
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The genus Asparagus includes at least six invasive species in Australia. Asparagus aethiopicus and A. africanus are invasive in subtropical Australia, and a third species, A. virgatus is naturalized and demonstrates localized spread in south east Queensland. To better understand how the attributes of these species contribute to their invasiveness, we compared fruit and seed traits, germination, seedling emergence, seed survival, and time-to-maturity. We further investigated dispersal ecology of A. africanus, examining the diet of a local frugivore, the figbird (Sphecotheres viridis) and the effect of gut passage on seedling emergence. Overall, A. aethiopicus was superior in germination and emergence, with the highest mean germination (98.8%) and emergence (94.5%) under optimal conditions and higher emergence (mean of 73.3%) across all treatments. In contrast, A. africanus had the lowest germination under optimal conditions (71.7%) and low mean seedling emergence (49.5%), but had fruits with the highest relative yield (ratio of dry pulp to fruit fresh weight) that were favored by a local frugivore. Figbirds consumed large numbers of A. africanus fruits (~30% of all non-Ficus fruits), and seedling germination was not significantly affected by gut passage compared to unprocessed fruits. Asparagus virgatus germinated poorly under cool, light conditions (1.4%) despite a high optimum mean (95.0%) and had low mean performance across emergence treatments (36.3%). The species also had fruits with a low pulp return for frugivores. For all species, seed survival declined rapidly in the first 12 mo and fell to < 3.2% viability at 36 mo. On the basis of the traits considered, A. virgatus is unlikely to have the invasive potential of its congeners. Uniformly short seed survival times suggest that weed managers do not have to contend with a substantial persistent soil-stored seed bank, but frugivore-mediated dispersal beyond existing infestations will present a considerable management challenge.
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This chapter examines patterns in social media activity around Australian elections, focusing primarily on the 2013 federal election and supplemented by extended research into social media and Australian politics between 2007 and 2015. The coverage of Australian elections on social media is analysed from three perspectives: the evolution of the use of online platforms during elections; politician and party social media strategies during the 2013 election, focusing on Twitter; and citizen engagement with elections as demonstrated through election day tweeting practices. The specific context of Australian politics, where voting is compulsory, and the popularity of social media platforms like Twitter makes this case notably different from other Western democracies. It also demonstrates the extended mediation of politics through social media, for politicians and citizens alike.
Resumo:
Introduced as an ornamental vine, cat's claw creeper Dolichandra unguis-cati (syn. Macfadyena unguis-cati) has invaded coastal and subcoastal areas of subtropical eastern Australia. Two varieties have been indentified, one of which ('short-pod') is found throughout south-eastern Australia, while the other ('long-pod') appears to be restricted to several sites in south-eastern Queensland. We compared the growth and biomass allocation patterns of the two varieties in the field over a 22-month period to determine if a higher growth rate and/or more efficient allocation of biomass may contribute to this disparity in distribution. The long-pod variety produced greater aboveground and total biomass than the short-pod variety in both riparian and non-riparian zones. Belowground the two varieties produced a similar number of tubers and overall biomass, though the long-pod variety allocated a smaller portion of its carbon belowground. High growth rates and greater biomass allocation aboveground are characteristic of invasive species, allowing them to outcompete and crowd out existing vegetation. There was no significant site by variety interaction, an indication of consistency in variety performance across riparian and non-riparian sites. Results from our study suggest that differences in growth and biomass allocations are unlikely to have contributed to the disparity in distribution of the two varieties. Despite currently occupying a relatively small range, the long-pod variety may be a more adept invader than the short-pod variety, and could become more prevalent in the future. © 2012 CSIRO.
Resumo:
This paper examines the 2013 Australian federal election to test two competing models of vote choice: spatial politics and valence issues. Using data from the 2013 Australian Election Study, the analysis finds that spatial politics (measured by party identification and self-placement on the left-right spectrum) and valence issues both have significant effects on vote choice. However, spatial measures are more important than valence issues in explaining vote choice, in contrast with recent studies from Britain, Canada and the United States. Explanations for these differences are speculative, but may relate to Australia’s stable party and electoral system, including compulsory voting and the frequency of elections. The consequently high information burden faced by Australian voters may lead to a greater reliance on spatial heuristics than is found elsewhere.
Resumo:
This article draws together seven practitioners and scholars from across the diffuse GeoHumanities community to reflect on the pasts and futures of the GeoHumanities. Far from trying to circle the intellectual wagons around orthodoxies of practice or intent, or to determine possibilities in advance, these contributions and the accompanying commentary seek to create connections across the diverse communities of knowledge and practice that constitute the GeoHumanities. Ahead of these six contributions a commentary situates these discussions within wider concerns with interdisciplinarity and identifies three common themes—possibilities practices, and publics—worthy of further discus- sion and reflection. The introduction concludes by identifying a fourth theme, politics, that coheres these three themes in productive and important ways.
Resumo:
Sport holds a special place in the national psyche of many nations with claims for sport being far reaching. More recently sport has been identified as a development and an educational tool in the areas of health and behaviour modification. Against the backdrop of the Close the Gap blueprint for Indigenous Australians and within the context of competing claims for sport, this paper discusses whether sport can genuinely contribute to community development in Indigenous Australian communities. Drawing on cases from sports-based programmes that spanned a 5-year research programme and informed by a theoretical framework inspired by Sen’s notion of ‘Development as Freedom’, this paper makes the case that sport can be a robust developmental tool capable of delivering social outcomes to marginalized communities.