Advance directives as autonomy enhancers: reality or myth?

In the last few decades there has been a wealth of literature and legislation on advance directives. As you all know, it is an instrument by which a person can express their wishes as regards what treatmentthey should be given or, more to the point, not to be given, when he is in a situation when he can not do so himself.Regulations in the western world seem to promote advance directives as a way to enhance patient¿s autonomy in thecontext of human rights, and the media has presented advance directives as another milestone in this era of selfdetermination.However, if we look closely at some of thoseregulations we will see that there are a few elements which may undermine their efficacy, shattering this nicely presentedpicture. I will focus on two elements. First, formal requirements, and secondly, certain limits or what I like to call "escape clauses".

Unilateral urinary flow impairment at the pelviureteral junction: outcome of renal function with respect to therapeutic strategy.

OBJECTIVES: To evaluate the renal function outcome in children with unilateral hydronephrosis and urinary flow impairment at the pelviureteral junction with respect to the therapeutic strategy. METHODS: We retrospectively selected 45 children with iodine-123-hippuran renography performed at diagnosis and after 3 or more years of follow-up. All children had bilateral nonobstructive pattern findings on diuretic renography at follow-up. Eleven children were treated conservatively, and 34 underwent unilateral pyeloplasty. Split and individual renal function, measured by an accumulation index, was computed from background-corrected renograms for the affected and contralateral kidneys at diagnosis and the follow-up examination. RESULTS: Of 11 children treated conservatively, 9 had normal bilateral function at diagnosis, all had reached normal function at follow-up. Of the 34 operated kidneys, 12 (38%) had initially normal function that remained normal at the follow-up examination, and 22 had impaired function that had normalized at the follow-up examination in 15 (68%). The function of the contralateral kidneys was increased in 5 of 8 children with persistently abnormal affected kidneys. Pyeloplasty was performed in 23 children (68%) and 11 children (32%) younger and older than 1 year, respectively. The function of the affected kidneys increased in both groups, but normalization occurred only in the younger children. CONCLUSIONS: Of the children selected for conservative treatment, 82% had normal bilateral renal function at diagnosis that was normal in all at the follow-up examination. Of the children treated surgically, 65% had initially impaired function of the affected kidney that improved in 87% after pyeloplasty. Normalization of function was observed only in children who were younger than 1 year old at surgery. Persistently low function of the affected kidney was compensated for by the contralateral one regardless of the age at surgery.

Finite-size scaling investigation of the liquid-liquid critical point in ST2 water and its stability with respect to crystallization.

The liquid-liquid critical point scenario of water hypothesizes the existence of two metastable liq- uid phases low-density liquid (LDL) and high-density liquid (HDL) deep within the supercooled region. The hypothesis originates from computer simulations of the ST2 water model, but the stabil- ity of the LDL phase with respect to the crystal is still being debated. We simulate supercooled ST2 water at constant pressure, constant temperature, and constant number of molecules N for N ≤ 729 and times up to 1 μs. We observe clear differences between the two liquids, both structural and dynamical. Using several methods, including finite-size scaling, we confirm the presence of a liquid-liquid phase transition ending in a critical point. We find that the LDL is stable with respect to the crystal in 98% of our runs (we perform 372 runs for LDL or LDL-like states), and in 100% of our runs for the two largest system sizes (N = 512 and 729, for which we perform 136 runs for LDL or LDL-like states). In all these runs, tiny crystallites grow and then melt within 1 μs. Only for N ≤ 343 we observe six events (over 236 runs for LDL or LDL-like states) of spontaneous crystal- lization after crystallites reach an estimated critical size of about 70 ± 10 molecules.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

La politique régionale : entre compétitivité et respect de l'environnement

Aujourd'hui plus que jamais, le développement économique ne peut se faire au détriment de notre environnement naturel. Dès lors se pose la question de savoir comment parvenir à maintenir la compétitivité d'une économie, tout en tenant compte de l'impact qu'elle a sur révolution du cadre naturel. La présente recherche propose d'investiguer sur la question en se penchant sur les politiques publiques de promotion économique, et plus spécifiquement sur la politique régionale. Faut-il maintenir la confiance dans les courants néoclassiques, comme le laisse supposer la situation actuelle, renforcer la position d'une économie s'inscrivant au sein d'un cadre socio-environnemental ou encore repenser notre mode de fonctionnement économique quant à son développement ? Dans le cas présent, la politique régionale suisse est évaluée à la lumière de trois stratégies de développement économique. D'une part, il y a l'économie fondée sur la connaissance. Cette dernière est à la base de la philosophie actuelle en matière de politique régionale. Ensuite, il y a l'écologie industrielle, qui pour sa part fait la promesse d'un développement économique éco-compatible. Enfin, la troisième stratégie est celle de l'économie de fonctionnalité, qui propose de maximiser l'efficience d'une unité de matière première en limitant notamment la notion de propriété. Au travers d'une grille d'analyse construite sur le modèle des géographies de la grandeur, les trois stratégies sont confrontées aux objectifs de la nouvelle politique régionale suisse (NPR) ainsi qu'à ses modalités de mise en oeuvre. Il en ressort qu'en l'état actuel, la stratégie misant sur l'économie de la connaissance est la plus à même de relever le défi d'un développement économique durable. Toutefois, moyennant adaptations, les autres stratégies pourraient également se révéler être pertinentes. On constate notamment que les éléments clés sont ici l'innovation, ainsi que les dimensions spatiale et temporelle des stratégies. Nous recommandons dès lors d'adopter une approche territorialisée du développement économique, selon une logique de projet au sens de Boltanski & Chiapello. A notre sens, seules les propositions à même de fédérer les acteurs et disposant d'une vision intégrée du développement ont une chance de permettre un développement économique en harmonie avec notre cadre environnemental. - Today more than ever, economic development can't go ahead without consideration for our natural environment. This lays us with the question of how to maintain the competitiveness of an economy, and at the same time to manage the impact of it on the natural frame. This research aims to investigate this question through public policies fostering economy, more specifically through the regional policy. Must one trust the neo-classical way, as the actual situation let's think about it, reinforce the position of an economy within a socio- environmental frame or moreover reinvent our economical modus regarding development? In this case, an assessment of the Swiss regional policy is lead through three strategies of economic development. First, there is the knowledge economy. It is the core concept of the actual philosophy regarding regional policy. Second, there is the industrial ecology which aims to promote an eco-compatible economic development. Last, there is the functional economy, which proposes to maximize the efficiency of every used unit of natural resources by limiting in particular the notion of propriety. Through an analytic frame built on the model of geographies of greatness (géographies de la grandeuή, the three strategies are confronted to the objectives of the Swiss new regional policy (NRP) as well as its implementation. It turns out that actually, the strategy laying on the knowledge economy happens to be the best solution in order to promote a sustainable economic development. Nevertheless, with few adaptations, the other strategies could be pregnant as well. What we can see is that key- elements are here the innovation, as well as the spatial and temporal dimensions of these strategies. We recommend therefore to adopt a territorialised approach of economic development, with a project-based logic as meant by Boltanski & Chiapello. We are convinced that only propositions which are able to unit actors, and with an integrated point of view, have a chance to promote economic development in harmony with our environmental frame.

Alternatives to Guardianship and Conservatorship for Adults in Iowa, Revised 2007

Independence, respect, and equality are values important to all people. These values help define the concepts of autonomy (independence and freedom) and self-determination (the right to make decisions for one’s self). Because these rights are so valued in our society and are something that most of us would value for ourselves, the “least restrictive alternative” should always be considered before taking away a person’s civil and legal rights to make decisions for him or herself. The least restrictive alternative is an option, which allows a person to keep as much autonomy, and self-determination as possible while providing only the level of protection and supervision that is necessary. Some examples may include: representative payee for certain government benefit checks, joint bank accounts or advance directives for health care.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Guidance parentale et respect de l'intimité. Deuil et érotisme chez les mineurs

Des parents semblent ignorer la limite entre ce que l'on est en droit de montrer et ce que l'on doit traiter avec pudeur. Une sorte d'ambiguïté les amène à être négligents et par là à tolérer des comportements ou des propos grivois de leurs enfants ou à en rire. Les thérapeutes sont invités à entreprendre un travail pédagogique de guidance parentale quand les frontières de l'intime sont floues et quand la confusion touche les jeunes devenant vulnérables et symptomatiques. Les auteurs exposent un cas d'anorexie chez une adolescente, dont la souffrance se trouve masquée par une série de comportements désinhibés. La surexcitation qui en découle peut apparaître comme une solution défensive pour lutter contre la dépression liée à l'expérience de séparation et de deuil. Pour favoriser la construction de représentations des territoires de l'intime plus respectueuses de la vulnérabilité des adolescents, les auteurs ont aussi proposé la sculpture familiale.Parental guidance and respect of intimacy. Young people's mourning and erotism. - Parents seem to be unaware of the borderline between what one may show and what one should handle with reserve. A kind of ambiguity drive them to be careless. As a result, they put up with suggestive behaviour or language from their children and even laugh at it. The therapists are invited to undertake an educational work of parental guidance when the boderlines of the intimate are hazy and when the confusion is affecting young people who become vulnerable and symptomatic. The authors present an anorexia case of a teenager whose distress is concealed by a series of uninhibited behaviours. The ensuing overexcitement could seem to be a defensive solution to fight against the depression related to parting and mourning experience. To encourage the building of representations of the territories of the intimate which would be more respectful of the teenagers vulnerability, the authors also suggest the technique of family sculpture.