936 resultados para researching and writing the EU (see also integration theory in this section)
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This dissertation contributes to the scholarly debate on temporary teams by exploring team interactions and boundaries.The fundamental challenge in temporary teams originates from temporary participation in the teams. First, as participants join the team for a short period of time, there is not enough time to build trust, share understanding, and have effective interactions. Consequently, team outputs and practices built on team interactions become vulnerable. Secondly, as team participants move on and off the teams, teams’ boundaries become blurred over time. It leads to uncertainty among team participants and leaders about who is/is not identified as a team member causing collective disagreement within the team. Focusing on the above mentioned challenges, we conducted this research in healthcare organisations since the use of temporary teams in healthcare and hospital setting is prevalent. In particular, we focused on orthopaedic teams that provide personalised treatments for patients using 3D printing technology. Qualitative and quantitative data were collected using interviews, observations, questionnaires and archival data at Rizzoli Orthopaedic Institute, Bologna, Italy. This study provides the following research outputs. The first is a conceptual study that explores temporary teams’ literature using bibliometric analysis and systematic literature review to highlight research gaps. The second paper qualitatively studies temporary relationships within the teams by collecting data using group interviews and observations. The results highlighted the role of short-term dyadic relationships as a ground to share and transfer knowledge at the team level. Moreover, hierarchical structure of the teams facilitates knowledge sharing by supporting dyadic relationships within and beyond the team meetings. The third paper investigates impact of blurred boundaries on temporary teams’ performance. Using quantitative data collected through questionnaires and archival data, we concluded that boundary blurring in terms of fluidity, overlap and dispersion differently impacts team performance at high and low levels of task complexity.
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Multiple Myeloma (MM) is a hematologic cancer with heterogeneous and complex genomic landscape, where Copy Number Alterations (CNAs) play a key role in the disease's pathogenesis and prognosis. It is of biological and clinical interest to study the temporal occurrence of early alterations, as they play a disease "driver" function by deregulating key tumor pathways. This study presents an innovative bioinformatic tools suite created for harmonizing and tracing the origin of CNAs throughout the evolutionary history of MM. To this aim, large cohorts of newly-diagnosed MM (NDMM, N=1582) and Smoldering-MM (SMM, N=282) were aggregated. The tools developed in this study enable the harmonization of CNAs as obtained from different genomic platforms in such a way that a high statistical power can be obtained. By doing so, the high numerosity of those cohorts was harnessed for the identification of novel genes characterized as "driver" (NFKB2, NOTCH2, MAX, EVI5 and MYC-ME2-enhancer), and the generation of an innovative timing model, implemented with a statistical method to introduce confidence intervals in the CNAs-calls. By applying this model on both NDMM and SMM cohorts, it was possible to identify specific CNAs (1q(CKS1B)amp, 13q(RB1)del, 11q(CCND1)amp and 14q(MAX)del) and categorize them as "early"/ "driver" events. A high level of precision was guaranteed by the narrow confidence intervals in the timing estimates. These CNAs were proposed as critical MM alterations, which play a foundational role in the evolutionary history of both SMM and NDMM. Finally, a multivariate survival model was able to identify the independent genomic alterations with the greatest effect on patients’ survival, including RB1-del, CKS1B-amp, MYC-amp, NOTCH2-amp and TRAF3-del/mut. In conclusion, the alterations that were identified as both "early-drivers” and correlated with patients’ survival were proposed as biomarkers that, if included in wider survival models, could provide a better disease stratification and an improved prognosis definition.
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Purpose The purpose of this study was to describe the preliminary results of prophylactic temporary balloon occlusion of the internal iliac arteries for bleeding control in patients with placenta accreta during cesarean hysterectomy. Methods From May 2006 to March 2010, 21 patients diagnosed with placenta accreta using ultrasound and/or magnetic resonance imaging were submitted to prophylactic balloon occlusion before hysterectomy. Fluoroscopy, balloon occlusion time, surgical duration, intraoperative blood loss, transfusion volume, and procedure complications were analyzed. Results The mean age was 30.5 years with a mean of 3.6 previous gestations. Imaging studies revealed that all patients had placenta accreta and all were submitted to cesarean hysterectomy. One hysterectomy was due to previous diagnosis of fetal death and another due to cesarean with uterine curettage. Mean fluoroscopy time was 7.5 min, balloon occlusion time was 164 min, and surgery duration was 260 min. Estimated blood loss was 1,671.5 ml with mean reposition fluids of 3,538 ml of crystalloids, 309.5 ml of colloids, and 1.24 ml of packed red blood cells. Two patients were submitted to thromboembolectomy due to prolonged surgical time. There was no maternal or fetal mortality related to the procedure. Conclusions The results demonstrated that prophylactic balloon occlusion of internal iliac artery is a safe method and appears to reduce blood loss and transfusion requirements in patients diagnosed with placenta accreta who undergo cesarean hysterectomy. Antenatal imaging diagnosis of placenta accreta enables preoperative planning.
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This study presents an innovative methodology for forensic science image analysis for event reconstruction. The methodology is based on experiences from real cases. It provides real added value to technical guidelines such as standard operating procedures (SOPs) and enriches the community of practices at stake in this field. This bottom-up solution outlines the many facets of analysis and the complexity of the decision-making process. Additionally, the methodology provides a backbone for articulating more detailed and technical procedures and SOPs. It emerged from a grounded theory approach; data from individual and collective interviews with eight Swiss and nine European forensic image analysis experts were collected and interpreted in a continuous, circular and reflexive manner. Throughout the process of conducting interviews and panel discussions, similarities and discrepancies were discussed in detail to provide a comprehensive picture of practices and points of view and to ultimately formalise shared know-how. Our contribution sheds light on the complexity of the choices, actions and interactions along the path of data collection and analysis, enhancing both the researchers' and participants' reflexivity.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Presents a citation analysis of indexing research in the two Proceedings. Understanding that there are different traditions of research into indexing, we look for evidence of this in the citing and cited authors. Three areas of cited and citing authors surface, after applying Price's elitism analysis, each roughly corresponding to geographic distributions.
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The Western Balkans integration within the EU has started a legal process which is the rejection of former communist legal/political approaches and the transformation of former communist institutions. Indeed, the EU agenda has brought vertical/horizontal integration and Europeanization of national institutions (i.e. shifting power to the EU institutions and international authorities). At this point, it is very crucial to emphasize the fact that the Western Balkans as a whole region has currently an image that includes characteristics of both the Soviet socialism and the European democracy. The EU foreign policies and enlargement strategy for Western Balkans have significant effects on four core factors (i.e. Schengen visa regulations, remittances, asylum and migration as an aggregate process). The convergence/divergence of EU member states’ priorities for migration policies regulate and even shape directly the migration dynamics in migrant sender countries. From this standpoint, the research explores how main migration factors are influenced by political and judicial factors such as; rule of law and democracy score, the economic liberation score, political and human rights, civil society score and citizenship rights in Western Balkan countries. The proposal of interhybridity explores how the hybridization of state and non-state actors within home and host countries can solve labor migration-related problems. The economical and sociopolitical labor-migration model of Basu (2009) is overlapping with the multidimensional empirical framework of interhybridity. Indisputably, hybrid model (i.e. collaboration state and non-state actors) has a catalyst role in terms of balancing social problems and civil society needs. Paradigmatically, it is better to perceive the hybrid model as a combination of communicative and strategic action that means the reciprocal recognition within the model is precondition for significant functionality. This will shape social and industrial relations with moral meanings of communication.
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After coming to power in September 2009, the Alliance for European Integration (AIE)1 coalition began implementing a wide-ranging programme of reforms, with a view to bringing Moldova closer to the European Union, and ultimately to ensure the country’s full membership of the EU. Today, Moldova is considered a clear leader in European integration among the members of the EU’s Eastern Partnership programme. This, however, has less to do with the concrete reforms introduced by the Moldovan government, and more to do with, on the one hand, Chișinău’s excellent public relations with Brussels, achieved through effective diplomacy; and on the other hand, the growing disillusionment with the lack of progress in other Eastern Partnership countries, particularly in Ukraine. Attempts to evaluate Moldova’s reforms have proven rather problematic. On the one hand, the ruling coalition has managed to make significant progress in the areas of civil liberties, human rights and electoral reform. The government has also successfully implemented regulations which have brought Moldova closer to signing a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) with the EU, and it has made headway in talks on visa liberalisation with Brussels. On the other hand, Chișinău has still not carried out the structural and economic reforms without which real change in the country will be impossible. No reforms have been introduced in the Ministry of the Interior, the Moldovan police force, or the judiciary. The AIE has also failed to decentralise governance and has had no real success in reducing corruption; its attempts to rebuild the country’s financial institutions have proved equally unsuccessful. The main reasons for this poor performance include mutual mistrust and conflicting interests among the coalition members, a shortage of financial resources, strong resistance to change by public administration staff, and significant pressure from those political and business groups whose interests could suffer as a result of the proposed reforms. It should also be noted that since the AIE took power, the international context of the reform efforts has undergone significant changes. On the one hand, the EU has been facing an economic crisis, which has had a negative impact on Moldovan exports and contributed to the worsening of the economic situation in the country; and on the other hand, Moldova has been offered membership of the Customs Union as a viable alternative to EU membership.
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Prior research on citizen support for European integration does not consider how individuals’ evaluations of European nationalities are associated with support. This paper fills this gap by developing a political cohesion model based on social identity theory. I claim that the probability of supporting integration increases with greater levels of trust in fellow Europeans, which assumes to reflect their positive images. Also, trust in eastern European Union nationalities has the highest impact on the probability for support, followed by trust in the southern nationalities, and then northern nationalities due to the eastern and southern nationalities relatively lower economic development. Controlling for various factors, the ordered logistic regression analysis of the European Election Study (2004) data support these claims.
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Most critical analyses assess citizenship-deprivation policies against international human rights and domestic rule of law standards, such as prevention of statelessness, non-arbitrariness with regard to justifications and judicial remedies, or non-discrimination between different categories of citizens. This report considers instead from a political theory perspective how deprivation policies reflect specific conceptions of political community. We distinguish four normative conceptions of the grounds of membership in a political community that apply to decisions on acquisition and loss of citizenship status: i) a ‘State discretion’ view, according to which governments should be as free as possible in pursuing State interests when determining citizenship status; ii) an ‘individual choice’ view, according to which individuals should be as free as possible in choosing their citizenship status; iii) an ‘ascriptive community’ view, according to which both State and individual choices should be minimised through automatic determination of membership based on objective criteria such as the circumstances of birth; and iv) a ‘genuine link’ view, according to which the ties of individuals to particular States determine their claims to inclusion and against deprivation while providing at the same time objections against including individuals without genuine links. We argue that most citizenship laws combine these four normative views in different ways, but that from a democratic perspective the ‘genuine link’ view is normatively preferable to the others. The report subsequently examines five general grounds for citizenship withdrawal – threats to public security, non-compliance with citizenship duties, flawed acquisition, derivative loss and loss of genuine links – and considers how the four normative views apply to withdrawal provision motivated by these concerns. The final section of the report examines whether EU citizenship provides additional reasons for protection against Member States’ powers of citizenship deprivation. We suggest that, in addition to fundamental rights protection through EU law and protection of free movement rights, three further arguments could be invoked: toleration of dual citizenship in a political union, prevention of unequal conditions for loss among EU citizens, and the salience of genuine links to the EU itself rather than merely to one of its Member States.
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Includes glossarial index.
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Mode of access: Internet.