838 resultados para religious discourse
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To mimic the online practices of citizens has been declared an imperative to improve communication and extend participation. This paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of how European discourses praising online video as a communication tool have been translated into actual practices by politicians, governments and organisations. By contrasting official documents with YouTube activity, it is argued that new opportunities for European political communication are far from being fully embraced, much akin to the early years of websites. The main choice has been to use YouTube channels fundamentally for distribution and archiving, thus neglecting its social media features. The disabling of comments by many heads of state and prime ministers - and, in 2010, the European Commission - indicates such an attitude. The few attempts made to foster citizen engagement, in particular during elections, have had limited success, given low participation numbers and lack of argument exchange.
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African Studies Review, Volume 52, Number 2, pp. 69–
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The analysis of journalistic discourse and its social embeddedness has known significant advances in the last two decades, especially due to the emergence and development of Critical Discourse Analysis. However, three important aspects remain under-researched: the time plane in discourse analysis, the discursive strategies of social actors, and the extra- and supra-textual effects of mediated discourse. Firstly, understanding the biography of public matters requires a longitudinal examination of mediated texts and their social contexts but most forms of analysis of journalistic discourse do not account for the time sequence of texts and its implications. Secondly, as the media representation of social issues is, to a large extent, a function of the discursive construction of events, problems and positions by social actors, the discursive strategies that they employ in a variety of arenas and channels ‘‘before’’ and ‘‘after’’ journalistic texts need to be examined. Thirdly, the fact that many of the modes of operation of discourse are extra- or supra-textual calls for a consideration of various social processes ‘‘outside’’ the text. This paper aims to produce a theoretical and methodological contribution to the integration of these issues in discourse analysis by proposing a framework that combines a textual dimension with a contextual one
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En el marco de la recuperación de la memoria en relación con los hechos de la última dictadura militar es importante determinar los motivos ideológico-teológicos y prácticos que dificultaron una oposición significativa por parte de la jerarquía de la iglesia a la violación de los derechos humanos, e individualizar los argumentos que impulsaron un discurso y una praxis de reconciliación que privilegió el olvido de las víctimas y apoyó acríticamente los «proyectos de olvido», como la ley de punto final, entre otros. Para analizar dichos discursos y praxis se recurre principalmente a Johann Metz, quien, vinculado a la Escuela de Frankfurt, propone una razón anamnética del sufrimiento ajeno. La originalidad del proyecto es doble, por su contenido y por su enfoque: la confrontación del «servicio de reconciliación» eclesial con la «memoria de las víctimas». Hipótesis de trabajo: el discurso y la praxis eclesial en relación al «servicio de reconciliación» realizado por el Episcopado argentino a partir de 1981, pone de manifiesto: primero, que siguieron vinculados a la idea de "nación católica" (Zanatta 1996, Dri 1997, Esquivel 2004), lo que dificultó, junto a otros factores, la visibilización de las víctimas; segundo, a su vez, analizados a la luz de los aportes filosófico-teológicos mencionados, muestran una notable carencia en la valoración de la memoria de las víctimas, esperable en una reconciliación. Objetivo general: realizar un análisis crítico de los discursos y prácticas institucionales oficiales de la Iglesia católica en Argentina en relación con la memoria de las víctimas de la última dictadura militar. Objetivos específicos: confrontar las experiencias eclesiales argentinas recientes, y sus conceptualizaciones y tipos de argumentación, con una tradición de pensamiento que en relación al acontecimiento del Holocausto sitúa en el centro de la reflexión temas como el de la memoria, el sufrimiento de las víctimas, y un modo peculiar de tratamiento de los hechos históricos; además, individualizar y analizar los argumentos que dificultaron la búsqueda de la justicia y la memoria de las víctimas. Metodología y etapas. 1° Etapa: analizar y sistematizar algunos aspectos de las teorías del conocimiento histórico y de la razón comunicativa en determinadas obras de Benjamin, Bloch y Habermas; posteriormente, precisar la apropiación conceptual de las categorías histórico-filosóficas de dichas corrientes llevada a cabo por Metz para elaborar su «memoria de las víctimas». 2° Etapa: revisar el discurso y la praxis eclesial a partir de 1981 a la luz del marco teórico ya estudiado. Será necesario, por una parte, detenerse en las declaraciones eclesiales oficiales referidas al retorno de la democracia, a las leyes de punto final y obediencia debida, como así también, en el reconocimiento y pedido de perdón por las culpas del pasado.
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v.14:no.2(1922)
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In contemporary society, religious signification and secular systems mix and influence each other. Holistic conceptions of a world in which man is integrated harmoniously with nature meet representations of a world run by an immanent God. On the market of the various systems, the individual goes from one system to another, following his immediate needs and expectations without necessarily leaving any marks in a meaningful long term system. This article presents the first results of an ongoing research in Switzerland on contemporary religion focusing on (new) paths of socialization of modern that individuals and the various (non-) belief systems that they simultaneously develop
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The texts by the Spanish Economist School (second half of the 19th century) contain an assessment of the role of women in the economy and society that is transgressor in front of the prevailing discourse that defended a unique and exclusive role for all women: being at home and a mother. Most members of that economic trend defended female work in the factories, basing themselves on wage arguments and even asked for a professional training for those who in many cases could not even write and read for the fact of being a woman. The texts of those economists give new ideas about the economic and social role of women in a Spain dominated by a discourse that denied the necessity of female work for the working families.
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This working paper analyses the role of religious and resistance identities in Hezbollah’s transformation and foreign relations. It argues that this Islamist movement has privileged material concerns over the religious dogma when both factors have not been coincidental. To do so, it uses a theoretical framework that presents the main characteristics of the anthropological and political interpretations of the role of culture and religion in defining the behaviour of international actors. In the chapter dedicated to Hezbollah, close attention is paid to the domestic and regional levels of analysis. When assessing Hezbollah’s religious identity, this paper argues that the salience of the pan-Islamic religious identity in Hezbollah’s origins has been replaced by an increased political pragmatism. It also argues that the fight against Israel represents Hezbollah’s raison d’être and that its resistance identity has not suffered major transformations and has been easily combined with religious rhetoric. Linking Hezbollah’s case study with the theoretical framework, this paper argues that political conceptions of cultural and religious identities provide the best analytical tool to understand the evolution of this Islamist movement.
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In this paper we examine the link between ethnic and religious polarization and conflict using interpersonal distances for ethnic and religious attitudes obtained from the World Values Survey. We use the Duclos et al (2004) polarization index. We measure conflict by means on an index of social unrest, as well as by the standard conflict onset or incidence based on a threshold number of deaths. Our results show that taking distances into account significantly improves the quality of the fit. Our measure of polarization outperforms the measure used by Montalvo and Reynal-Querol (2005) and the fractionalization index. We also obtain that both ethnic and religious polarization are significant in explaining conflict. The results improve when we use an indicator of social unrest as the dependent variable.