958 resultados para public debate


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In recent years, we have witnessed the mushrooming of pro- democracy and protest movements not only in the Arab world, but also within Europe and the Americas. Such movements have ranged from popular upheavals, like in Tunisia and Egypt, to the organization of large- scale demonstrations against unpopular policies, as in Spain, Greece and Poland. What connects these different events are not only their democratic aspirations, but also their innovative forms of communication and organization through online means, which are sometimes considered to be outside of the State’s control. At the same time, however, it has become more and more apparent that countries are attempting to increase their understanding of, and control over, their citizens’ actions in the digital sphere. This involves striving to develop surveillance instruments, control mechanisms and processes engineered to dominate the digital public sphere, which necessitates the assistance and support of private actors such as Internet intermediaries. Examples include the growing use of Internet surveillance technology with which online data traffic is analysed, and the extensive monitoring of social networks. Despite increased media attention, academic debate on the ambivalence of these technologies, mechanisms and techniques remains relatively limited, as is discussion of the involvement of corporate actors. The purpose of this edited volume is to reflect on how Internet-related technologies, mechanisms and techniques may be used as a means to enable expression, but also to restrict speech, manipulate public debate and govern global populaces.

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The project demonstrates the use of modern technologies for preservation and presentation of the cultural and historical heritage. The idea is a database of cultural and historical heritage sites to be created applying three dimensional laser scanning technology and a combination of geodetic and photogrammetric methods and shooting techniques. For the purposes of carrying out this project, we have focused on some heritage sites in the central part of Sofia. We decided to include these particular buildings because of the fact that there is hardly another city in the world where within a radius of 400 m are located four temples of different religions - Jewish, Muslim, Orthodox and Catholic. In the recent years, preservation of cultural heritage has been increasingly linked to objectives of sustainable development. Today, it has become clear that cultural heritage is also an economic resource that should be used for further economic development (through compulsory preservation of its authentic cultural values). There has been a more active public debate on the role of cultural heritage, regarding the following topics: improving the quality of life through development of cultural tourism, leading to an increase of the employment rate, constantly improving the business climate, etc. Cultural heritage preservation is becoming one of the priority objectives of the urban development policy. The focus has been shifted to new ways of preservation, mainly combinations of sophisticated technological solutions and their application for the purposes of preservation and dissemination of the cultural heritage.

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The results of the research systematized on this analysis sought apprehend the linkage of the socio-educational service network, destined to adolescents who comply with socioeducational measure of confinement, in the region of the Seridó of the state of the Rio Grande do Norte, especially in the city of Caicó, central town of this region. The achievement of this study was stimulated by the interest in unraveling the contradictory reality imposed by neoliberal State, sparing the guarantee of rights, especially to these teens, who are seen as authors of violations and are stigmatized by capitalist society. The research was carried in the period July-September 2013, under critical perspective, using the documental analysis and the observational techniques and interviews with professionals of the Educational Center (CEDUC), of the Unified Health System (SUS), of the Social Policies of Social Assistance, and of the State Department of Education, which should make the service network that gravitates around the National System of Socio-educational Services (SINASE). The Statute of Children and Adolescents (ECA) and SINASE define that the application of socioeducational measures cannot occur isolated of the public policies, becoming indispensable the linkages of the system with the social policies of social assistance, education and health. However, it was observed that the neoliberal logic of the capitalist State has developed broken, disconnected, focal and superficial social policies, who fail give effect to the rights acquired beyond the legal sphere. In this perspective, it is possible affirm that the everyday of the Brazilian poor teens is marked by the action of the State, which aims to control those who disturb the order of capital, who threaten the production, the market, the consume and the private property. This way, actions are promoted criminalizing poverty and imprint a legal action over this expression of the social issue to the detriment of social policies that meet the real needs of adolescents. Face of this reality, it becomes necessary to put on the agenda of the here and now to fight for rights, aiming at a broad public debate involving professionals, researchers and social movements in support of the viability of rights, which aims to support reflections and to strengthen ways to confront this social problem. With the approximations of this study, it was learned that the struggle for rights is a fight for another project of society, beyond what is laid.

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Populist radical right parties have become major political actors in Europe. This paper analyses the path and the different phases that have led them from the fringes of public debate to their present signifi cance, which is based on their capacity to attract electoral support and infl uence the political agendas in their respective countries. Besides, an analysis of the core ideological beliefs of these parties, and of the topics on which their mobilization capacity rests, is provided, as well as of the type of voters that are attracted by them. Finally, the authors discuss the meaning and impact of the growing popularity of the ideas and proposals put forward by the populist radical right parties.

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La polémica acerca del hiyab como símbolo de identidad de la mujer musulmana ha irrumpido en nuestra sociedad occidental. Si bien visiblemente no es más que una prenda, el ocultamiento del cabello, el cuello, y en algunas ocasiones el rostro y el cuerpo hacen que su uso no deje indiferente y su significado exceda más allá de lo puramente religioso. El presente trabajo constará de dos partes: La primera, tratará de entender la naturaleza de esta prenda, estudiando su procedencia, sus tipos y el significado que para las mujeres musulmanas tiene portarlo. La segunda, se centrará en el debate público y político que en muchos países de Europa, entre ellos España, viene provocando su uso y las consecuencias que una eventual prohibición o limitación del mismo tendría.

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Todo lo relacionado con la inteligencia ha ido incorporándose progresivamente al debate público de las sociedades democráticas. España no es un caso aparte. En los últimos años, la oferta formativa relacionada con los temas de inteligencia, desde las más variadas perspectivas y desde distintas disciplinas, ha aumentado de forma exponencial. En este estudio hemos analizado la oferta formativa en España del 2012 al 2015 y llegado a diferentes conclusiones que representan el estado de los estudios de inteligencia en la actualidad y el camino a recorrer

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As políticas de saúde e o direito à saúde em Portugal sofreram profundas transformações nas últimas décadas, muito contribuíram para estas transformações a crise económica e financeira mundial e a influência de políticas neoliberais. O interesse por esta temática surge de uma prática profissional num Gabinete do Cidadão do Serviço Nacional de Saúde e, pela falta de debate e posicionamento público dos Assistentes Sociais sobre as competências do Gabinete do Cidadão e, do papel dos Assistentes Sociais nesse serviço. Com este trabalho, pretende-se contextualizar: as principais transformações nas políticas de saúde e suas repercussões no direito à saúde nos últimos anos; analisar as alterações legislativas que ocorrem entre a criação do Gabinete do Utente e o Gabinete do Cidadão; analisar o trabalho que os Assistentes Sociais têm vindo a desenvolver no âmbito das competências do Gabinete do Cidadão e do direito à saúde. A investigação de cariz exploratório e qualitativo contou com os contributos de Assistentes Sociais que trabalham em Gabinetes do Cidadão da região norte do país e, que participaram através de inquérito por questionário. Da investigação efetuada concluiu-se que o Gabinete do Cidadão apenas garante o direito a reclamar e não o direito à saúde. As possibilidades que se abrem ao trabalho do Assistente Social no Gabinete do Cidadão, em prol da efetivação do direito à saúde parte do trabalho coletivo. As competências e habilidades do Serviço Social devem ter o intuito de promover a consciência crítica dos indivíduos. / Health policies and the right to health in Portugal underwent profound changes in recent decades, greatly contributed to these transformations the global economic and financial crisis and the influence of neoliberal policies. The interest in this subject arises from a professional practice in the Gabinete do Cidadão National Health Service, and by the lack of public debate and placement of Social Workers on the powers of the Gabinete do Cidadão and the role of social workers in this service. This work aims to contextualize: major changes in health policies and their impact on the right to health in recent years; consider legislative changes that occur between the creation of the Gabinete do Utente and the Gabinete do Cidadão; analyze the work that Social Workers have been developing within the competence of the Gabinete do Cidadão and the right to health. The exploratory research and qualitative nature featured contributions from Social Workers who work in Gabinetes do Cidadão of the northern region of the country, who participated via questionnaire survey. Research conducted it was concluded that the Gabinete do Cidadão only guarantees the right to complain and not the right to health. The possibilities that open to the Social Work Assistant in the Gabinete do Cidadão, for the sake of ensuring the right to health of the collective work. The skills and abilities of Social Work must have in order to promote critical awareness of individuals.

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It is well-accepted in academic and public debate that society has overused natural resources. Business managers in consequence face a normative framework where products need to become more ‘sustainable’. The paper characterises the mechanisms and logic that make ‘[environmentally] sustainable innovation strategies’. Those mechanisms highlight multiple value creation and sustaining value beyond the original new product lifecycle. They yield as much utility as possible from the embedded natural resources. And they avoid creating waste. ‘Multiple value creation’ asks managers to revaluate the attrite product or to make customers change their use patterns. The paper then demonstrates how to extend the ‘old’ logic of innovation with a phase of revaluation: a phase promoting further use of the product and/or material. Our concept is empirically illustrated by two industry case examples. Namely, the copier industry and the emerging automotive lithium-ion batteries industry. We provide a patent analysis in order to demonstrate the assessment of extended life cycles, for the case of ‘recovery of raw materials from disposed products’.

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Les élections post-conflit ou élections de sortie de crise organisées sous l’égide de la communauté internationale en vue de rétablir la paix dans les pays sortant de violents conflits armés ont un bilan mixte caractérisé par le succès ou l’échec selon les cas. Ce bilan mitigé représente le problème principal auquel cette recherche tente de répondre à travers les questions suivantes : l’assistance électorale étrangère est-elle efficace comme outil de rétablissement de la paix dans les sociétés post-conflit? Qu’est ce qui détermine le succès ou l’échec des élections post-conflit à contribuer efficacement au rétablissement de la paix dans les sociétés déchirées par la guerre? Pour résoudre cette problématique, cette thèse développe une théorie de l’assistance électorale en période post-conflit centrée sur les parties prenantes à la fois du conflit armé et du processus électoral. Cette théorie affirme que l’élément clé pour le succès des élections post-conflit dans le rétablissement de la paix est le renforcement de la capacité de négociation des parties prenantes à la fois dans le processus de paix et dans le processus électoral post-conflit. Dans les situations post-conflit, une assistance électorale qui se voudrait complète et efficace devra combiner à la fois le processus électoral et le processus de paix. L’assistance électorale sera inefficace si elle se concentre uniquement sur les aspects techniques du processus électoral visant à garantir des élections libres, transparentes et équitables. Pour être efficace, l’accent devra également être mis sur les facteurs supplémentaires qui peuvent empêcher la récurrence de la guerre, tels que l’habilité des individus et des groupes à négocier et à faire des compromis sur les grandes questions qui peuvent menacer le processus de paix. De fait, même des élections transparentes comme celles de 1997 au Liberia saluées par la communauté internationale n’avaient pas réussi à établir des conditions suffisantes pour éviter la reprise des hostilités. C’est pourquoi, pour être efficace, l’assistance électorale dans les situations de post-conflit doit prendre une approche globale qui priorise l’éducation civique, la sensibilisation sur les droits et responsabilités des citoyens dans une société démocratique, le débat public sur les questions qui divisent, la participation politique, la formation au dialogue politique, et toute autre activité qui pourrait aider les différentes parties à renforcer leur capacité de négociation et de compromis. Une telle assistance électorale fera une contribution à la consolidation de la paix, même dans le contexte des élections imparfaites, comme celles qui se sont détenues en Sierra Leone en 2002 ou au Libéria en 2005. Bien que la littérature sur l’assistance électorale n’ignore guère l’importance des parties prenantes aux processus électoraux post-conflit (K. Kumar, 1998, 2005), elle a fortement mis l’accent sur les mécanismes institutionnels. En effet, la recherche académique et professionnelle est abondante sur la réforme des lois électorales, la reforme constitutionnelle, et le développement des administrations électorales tels que les commissions électorales, ainsi que l’observation électorale et autres mécanismes de prévention de la fraude électorale, etc. (Carothers & Gloppen, 2007). En d’autres termes, les décideurs et les chercheurs ont attribué jusqu’à présent plus d’importance à la conception et au fonctionnement du cadre institutionnel et des procédures électorales. Cette thèse affirme qu’il est désormais temps de prendre en compte les participants eux-mêmes au processus électoral à travers des types d’assistance électorale qui favoriseraient leur capacité à participer à un débat pacifique et à trouver des compromis aux questions litigieuses. Cette approche plus globale de l’assistance électorale qui replace l’élection post-conflit dans le contexte plus englobant du processus de paix a l’avantage de transformer le processus électoral non pas seulement en une expérience d’élection de dirigeants légitimes, mais aussi, et surtout, en un processus au cours duquel les participants apprennent à régler leurs points de vue contradictoires à travers le débat politique dans un cadre institutionnel avec des moyens légaux et légitimes. Car, si le cadre institutionnel électoral est important, il reste que le résultat du processus électoral dépendra essentiellement de la volonté des participants à se conformer au cadre institutionnel et aux règles électorales.

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W tekście autorka pokazuje, czym są definicje retoryczne. Wskazuje ich cechy (nastawienie na odbiorcę, zastąpienie obiektywistycznego punkt widzenia podmiotowym, zsubiektywizowanym sposobem ujmowania świata, celowe uwydatnienie pewnych cech obiektu, a pomniejszenie, a nawet ukrycie innych) i funkcje (wpływanie na sposób postrzegania świata przez odbiorcę, determinowanie lub próba zdeterminowania jego działań mentalnych lub fizycznych). W swoich rozważaniach odnosi się do potencjału perswazyjnego słów, wynikającego po pierwsze z takich cech języka, jak arbitralność i konwencjonalność symboli językowych, po drugie, ze związku języka z procesami poznawczymi. Pokazuje mechanizmy perswazyjne, które definicje retoryczne wykorzystują. Są to 1) mechanizm wspólnoty świata i języka, 2) mechanizm emocjonalizacji odbioru, i 3) mechanizm symplifikacji rozkładu wartości. Materiałem badawczym są definicje hasła gender, które pojawiły się w polskiej debacie publicznej na przełomie 2013 i 2014 roku.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, Estado e Constituição, 2016.

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Los movimientos sociales son uno de los motores del cambio social. Organizaciones como la Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH) denuncian injusticias y cuestionan la construcción de significados sociales a través del discurso. Impulsan estrategias de automediación para, especialmente a través de las redes sociales, influir en la agenda mediática y el debate público. Mediante un análisis crítico del discurso cualitativo, nuestro objetivo es conocer si la PAH introduce sus temas y encuadres en la agenda mediática. Los resultados demuestran que este movimiento activista logra condicionar de qué se habla y también cómo se habla, obteniendo una cobertura favorable.

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Questa tesi propone un indagine sulla memoria del retorno a partire da una prospettiva critica che assume il “sud globale di lingua portoghese” come spazio storico e concettuale di riferimento. Si riflette sull'idea di specificità attribuita alla colonizzazione promossa dal Portogallo in Africa tenendo conto delle contraddizioni associate al movimento migratorio innescato dal processo violento di decolonizzazione dell’Africa portoghese.
 Le memorie trauamatiche sul retorno espongono la violenza come componente costitutiva della realtà coloniale ma ripropongono anche dinamiche che permettono l’occultamento del razzismo. L'esplorazione della “soffitta”, assunta come metafora della memoria familiare custodita nello spazio domestico, accompagna quella dell’archivio pubblico. L’analisi dell’archivio ufficiale e della memoria familiare riflette il tentativo di stabilire un dialogo tra storia e memoria superando la logica di antitesi che tradizionalmente le contrappone. Utilizzando il concetto criticamente problematico di “postmemoria” si riflette sulla riconfigurazione del rapporto con il passato in funzione di un’idea di “eredità come compito” assunto nel presente). La possibilità di “salvare” il passato dalla progressiva scomparsa dei testimoni comporta un pericolo di abuso ideologico connaturato al processo di trasmissione. La traduzione delle memorie coloniali sul retorno dallo spazio intimo allo spazio del dibattito pubblico mostra la relazione tra la costruzione della mitologia familiare e l’adozione del discorso lusotropicale. Il tentativo di definire la natura indecifrabile del retornado comporta la possibilità di sanzionare la violenza coloniale negando una responsabilità collettiva riferita al colonialismo. Si presenta il tentativo di configurare i termini di una questione post-coloniale portoghese dai contorni opachi. Questa tesi approda ad una conclusione aperta, articolata sul rischio sempre presente di appropriazione delle categorie critiche post-coloniali da parte dell’ideologia egemonica. Attraverso le (post)memorie (post)coloniali la denuncia del razzismo in quanto eredità permanente e la riconfigurazione dell’archivio coloniale costituiscono operazioni possibili, necessarie, ma non per questo scontate o prive di rischi.

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In the first of the special essays, John Quiggin revisits the debate over the appropriate size of the public sector and canvasses the issues associated with the distribution of government responsibilities within the Australian federation, with a sweeping perspective and surprising conclusions.