979 resultados para political systems
Resumo:
A falta, de concretização de alguns direitos fundamentais, como os sociais de saúde e educação, que demandam certos custos para o Estado, ainda representa um desafio ao constitucionalismo brasileiro. Em decorrência, os tribunais vêm se deparando com demandas relacionadas a materialização dos referidos direitos, tais como pedidos de fornecimento de medicamentos não fornecidos pela rede pública de saúde ou a garantia de matrícula de estudante no sistema público de educação. Tratam-se assim de pedidos de ordens judiciais para que a administração pública cumpra seu dever constitucional, através de prestações positivas. Tal fenômeno, incluído por boa parte da doutrina dentro do que se convencionou chamar de "judicialização da política" não está isento à criticas. Em seu desfavor, argumenta-se que (1) o Judiciário está agredindo o princípio da separação de poderes, haja vista que a função administrativa, com sua discricionariedade, deve ser preservada com o Executivo não devendo na mesma se imiscuírem os magistrados, sendo-lhes defeso interferir em políticas publicas; (II) não há legitimidade democrática dos juízes, pois os mesmos não foram eleitos pelo povo; (III) o Judiciário não está preparado e tecnicamente capacitado para tal tipo de demanda; (IV) por envolver prestações positivas e assim necessidade de recursos públicos para a sua concretização, uma, determinação judicial nesse sentido contrariaria o princípio da legalidade e anterioridade orçamentária e encontraria sérios óbices em sua concretização pela reserva do possível. O presente estudo se propõe não só a analisar os referidos argumentos, como também examinar as fronteiras do sistema jurídico e do político, para concluir pela legitimidade ou não de tal conduta judicial, bem como a análise da natureza, do alegado caráter programático e da difícil delimitação dos direitos sociais e sua proteção judicial, ou seja, se procura, em síntese, examinar o papel do judiciário brasileiro no problema da efetivação dos direitos sociais, como garantidor do mínimo existencial.
Resumo:
Assuming from the very beginning that contemporary democracies cannot work without active parliaments, this article deals with the recurrent image of the crisis of representation of the modern State, that is, with the latter's alleged difficulties to fulfill some of the strategic roles demanded by complex societies in recent times. I contend that the problems of legitimacy in today's political systems are linked with the crisis of the State triggered by the new economic and social structures of contemporary capitalism. According to my hypothesis, the transformations of capitalist society - i.e., of hypermodernity - jeopardized and bypassed representation, which is now facing serious operational issues.
Resumo:
[ES] Cada uno de los pueblos negro-africanos presenta un perfil cultural que le hace ser singular y esencialmente semejante a otros, como parte importante de un todo cultural, algunas veces difícil de determinar explícitamente. Los procesos que definían a los negro-africanos experimentaron una acelerada transformación debido al choque cultural que vivieron durante casi cinco siglos de su historia. Este choque debilitó sus estructuras culturales, creando Estados con lenguas extranjeras oficiales, religiones de importación, escuelas desvernacularizadas, etc., y desplazando los tradicionales sistemas sociopolíticos negro-africanos. Esta fuerte aculturación del África negra se ve fortalecida por la dominancia de la cultura exógena, que impide la reconfiguración etnocultural de sus habitantes y sociedades. Este es el gran reto de su futuro: fortalecer sus diversidades y enseñar a sus habitantes a aprender a ser africanos.
Resumo:
Der Globale Wandel ist im Begriff, den Tourismus zu verändern. Die Wechselwirkung von Tourismus und Klimawandel sind beidseitiger Art. Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt Möglichkeiten der Adaption und einen wandelbaren Fremdenverkehr. Eine Übersicht der gängigen Tourismusmodelle stellt den Stand der Forschung dar. Der Fremdenverkehr ist durch drei Faktoren massiv geprägt: Die Nachfrage und Motivation, die Reisemittler und Veranstalter sowie das Destinationsangebot. Bei der Motivation wirken Motiv und Anreiz Motivationspsychologisch betrachtet auf die Reiseentscheidung deren Grundlage verarbeitete Informationen sind. Reisemittler und Veranstalter haben einen großen Einfluss auf Entscheidungsprozesse. Neue IuK Technologien haben deren Arbeit grundlegend verändert. Das Tourismusangebot wird stark durch die naturräumlichen Gegebenheiten sowie das politische System bestimmt. Überlebenswichtig für die Destination ist die evolutionstheoretisch etrachtete Fitnessmaximierung also Adaption und Wandel, um sich an geänderte Rahmenbedingungen anpassen zu können. Gerade im Bereich des Klimawandels müssen Maßnahmen ergriffen werden. Aber auch die Marktsättigung gerade in Verbindung mit der aktuellen Finanzkrise wirkt besonders schwer auf die Destination. Eine hohes Innovationsvermögen, Trendscanning und der Zusammenschluss in flexiblen Netzwerkclustern können einen Kundenmehrwert erzeugen. Die Fitnessmaximierung ist somit Überlebensziel der Destination und führt zur Kundenzufriedenheit die im Sättigungsmarkt alleinig Wachstum generieren kann.
Resumo:
Depending on the regulatory regime they are subject to, governments may or may not be allowed to hand out state aid to private firms. The economic justification for state aid can address several issues present in the competition for capital and the competition for transfers from the state. First, there are principal-agent problems involved at several stages. Self-interested politicians might enter state aid deals that are the result of extensive rent-seeking activities of organized interest groups. Thus the institutional design of political systems will have an effect on the propensity of a jurisdiction to award state aid. Secondly, fierce competition for firm locations can lead to over-spending. This effect is stronger if the politicians do not take into account the entirety of the costs created by their participation in the firm location race. Thirdly, state aid deals can be incomplete and not in the interest of the citizens. This applies if there are no sanctions if firms do not meet their obligations from receiving aid, such as creating a certain number of jobs or not relocating again for a certain amount of time. The separation of ownership and control in modern corporations leads to principal-agent problems on the side of the aid recipient as well. Managers might receive personal benefits from subsidies, the use of which is sometimes less monitored than private finance. This can eventually be to the detriment of the shareholders. Overall, it can be concluded that state aid control should also serve the purpose of regulating the contracting between governments and firms. An extended mandate for supervision by the European Commission could include requirements to disincentive the misuse of state aid. The Commission should also focus on the corporate governance regime in place in the jurisdiction that awards the aid as well as in the recipient firm.
Resumo:
Die südamerikanischen Staaten Guyana und Suriname sind ehemalige Kolonien, die über gigantische Rohstoffressourcen verfügen. In den Regenwäldern, die die Länder zu 80 - 90% bedecken, lagern Gold und Bauxit und es wachsen wertvolle Hölzer. Außerdem haben beide Länder das Potential für eine touristische Inwertsetzung ihres Landesinneren. rnEbenso vielfältig wie die Ressourcen der Guayanas sind die Interessen daran. International agierende Unternehmen, einheimische Goldsucher sowie Indigene, Naturschützer und Dienstleister aus der Tourismusbranche stellen sich widersprechende Ansprüche an Rohstofflagerstätten sowie an touristisch vermarktbare Landschaft und Natur. Die Regierungen stehen vor der Herausforderung, die politischen Rahmenbedingungen für die Nutzung der Ressourcen des Regenwaldes festzulegen. rnDie vorliegende empirische Studie analysiert vergleichend die Motivationen der Akteure und den Einfluss von Institutionen auf die Akteure in den unterschiedlichen politischen Systemen der Staaten Guyana und Suriname. Um die Strategien der Akteure zu verstehen, wird geklärt, welche institutionelle und länderspezifische Regelungssysteme – formeller und informeller Art – die Akteure beeinflussen und inwiefern sich dabei der Einfluss der kolonialen Vergangenheit beider Staaten bemerkbar macht. rnIm Fokus der Untersuchung stehen Akteure, die an der Inwertsetzung des Regenwaldes durch Bergbau, Forstwirtschaft und (Natur-)Tourismus auf lokaler Ebene beteiligt sind sowie länderspezifischen Institutionen, die den Handlungsrahmen für diese Akteure definieren. rn
Resumo:
Time is one of the scarcest resources in modern parliaments. In parliamentary systems of government the control of time in the chamber is a significant power resource enjoyed – to varying degrees – by parliamentary majorities and the governments they support. Minorities may not be able to muster enough votes to stop bills, but they may have – varying degrees of – delaying powers enabling them to extract concessions from majorities attempting to get on with their overall legislative programme. This paper provides a comparative analysis of the dynamics of the legislative process in 17 West European parliaments from the formal initiation of bills to their promulgation. The ‘biographies’ of a sample of bills are examined using techniques of event-history analysis (a) charting the dynamics of the legislative process both across the life-times of individual bills and different political systems and (b) examining whether, and to what extent, parliamentary rules and some general regime attributes influence the dynamics of this process, speeding up or delaying the passage of legislation. Using a veto-points framework and transaction cost politics as a theoretical framework, the quantitative analyses suggest a number of counter-intuitive findings (e.g., the efficiency of powerful committees) and cast doubt on some of the claims made by Tsebelis in his veto-player model.
Resumo:
The article offers a systematic analysis of the comparative trajectory of international democratic change. In particular, it focuses on the resulting convergence or divergence of political systems, borrowing from the literatures on institutional change and policy convergence. To this end, political-institutional data in line with Arend Lijphart’s (1999, 2012) empirical theory of democracy for 24 developed democracies between 1945 and 2010 are analyzed. Heteroscedastic multilevel models allow for directly modeling the development of the variance of types of democracy over time, revealing information about convergence, and adding substantial explanations. The findings indicate that there has been a trend away from extreme types of democracy in single cases, but no unconditional trend of convergence can be observed. However, there are conditional processes of convergence. In particular, economic globalization and the domestic veto structure interactively influence democratic convergence.
Resumo:
This article theorises the territorial solidarity and fiscal federalism and compares Switzerland with the European Union. While inter-territorial solidarity is a prerequisite for legitimate fiscal equalisation, such equalisation in turn also contributes to the legitimacy of and solidarity within federal political systems. By cutting across territorial and ethno-national communities, fiscal transfers often contribute to both a “civic” sense of belonging and a “cosmopolitan” identity. After placing types and degrees of (inter-)territorial solidarity at the heart of our conceptual perspective, we discuss the effects of such solidarity through an analysis of two different forms of “federal” equalisation. Comparing the recently reformed Swiss fiscal equalisation system with the EU structural funds allows us to infer if, and how, the fiscal dimension of federalism matters for feelings of solidarity, reciprocity, unity and, ultimately, for the legitimacy of the very (nation-state or Union) structures that are to contribute to the ever-growing prosperity and happiness of their people(s). In Switzerland, a civic understanding of nationhood and cross-cutting cleavages were necessary conditions for extensive, effective and legitimate fiscal equalisation. We infer that, for the EU, this means that strengthening the equalisation component of the structural funds would contribute to an ever closer Union in a political sense: because fiscal equalisation and inter-territorial solidarity are interdependent, reinforcing the one also means cementing the other. Future studies of the EU and federal-type arrangements are advised to pay more explicit attention to the solidarity-element of territoriality – or the territoriality of (fiscal) solidarity.
Resumo:
The enduring electoral success of populist parties across Europe and the increasing opportunities they have gained to access government in recent years bring once more into relief the question of whether populism and democracy are fully compatible. In this article we show how, despite playing different roles in government within very different political systems, and despite the numerous constraints placed upon them (for instance, EU membership, international law and domestic checks and balances), populist parties consistently pursued policies that clashed with fundamental tenets of liberal democracy. In particular, the idea that the power of the majority must be limited and restrained, the sanctity of individual rights and the principle of the division of powers have all come under threat in contemporary Europe. This has contributed to the continuing erosion of the liberal consensus, which has provided one of the fundamental foundations of the European project from its start.
Resumo:
In Switzerland, there are 26 systems of cantonal decentralisation because regulating municipal autonomy is an exclusively cantonal competency. Existing measures of local autonomy/cantonal decentralisation are confined to measuring the real or perceived distribution of functions. Alternatively, they weigh expenditures (Dafflon 1992) or tax revenues (Dlabac and Schaub forthcoming) of municipalities against those of the canton. Complementing these indices, this paper additionally measures the politics dimension of cantonal decentralisation. Seven aspects are measured: intra-cantonal regionalism, cumuldesmandats (double tenure of cantonal MP and mayoral office), territorial quotas for legislative and executive elections, direct local representation and lobbying, party decentralisation, the number and size of constituencies, and direct democracy (communal referendum and initiative). This results in a ranking of all 26 cantons as regards the politics of local autonomy within their political systems. The measure will help scholars to test assumptions held for decentralisation in general, be it as a dependent (explaining decentralisation) or as an independent variable (decentralisation—so what?), within but also beyond the Swiss context.
Resumo:
Blame avoidance behaviour (BAB) has become an increasingly popular topic in political science. However, the preconditions of BAB, its presence and consequences in various areas and in different political systems largely remain a black box. In order to generate a better understanding of BAB and its importance for the workings of democratic political systems, the scattered literature on BAB needs to be assessed and structured. This article offers a comprehensive review of the literature on blame avoidance. It departs from Weaver’s concept of blame avoidance and subsequently differentiates between work on BAB in comparative welfare state research and work on BAB in public policy and administration. It is argued that between these two strands of literature a bifurcation exists since both perspectives rarely draw on each other to create a more general understanding of BAB. Advantages from existing approaches must be combined to assess the phenomenon of blame avoidance in a more comprehensive way.
Resumo:
This article aims at presenting an already existing research project. The Repertorium Academicum Germanicum (RAG) is supposed to be a "Who’s who" of the graduated and noble scholars of the late medieval Empire. It is designed to record biographical and social data of graduated theologians, jurists, physicians and Masters of Art as well as data of nobles from universities between 1250 and 1550. Furthermore, the project focuses on their examinations, networks, fields of activity in ecclesiastical and secular offices as well as their achievements and legacies (books, treatises, tombs etc). Right now, over 49.000 prosopographic entries are stored in the RAG database, partly available online (www.rag-online.org) and combined with digital maps (infographics), which already provide a basis for research in academic mobility determined by the top scholars of the time. In a next step, it should be possible to draw conclusions not only about personnel and knowledge transfer from university to society, its effects on political systems, daily life, the emergence of new occupational groups and professions, but also about cultural exchange within Europe.