937 resultados para political representation


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A partir de la indagación de los diarios de sesiones de la asamblea constituyente y periódicos partidarios y comerciales, entre otras fuentes, este artículo examina las formulaciones y debates en torno al artículo 14 bis de la Constitución Argentina de 1957. En particular, se resaltará el aporte de las mujeres que actuaron en ese debate quienes establecieron interpretaciones distintas de las existentes hasta ese momento. En ese camino, el estudio arroja luz sobre la dimensión jurídica y política de un tema que no ha sido considerado hasta la fecha en esta normativa: los derechos de las trabajadoras. Las características específicas de los debates y el artículo final de proporcionar una visión de género de esta ley a fin de tener en cuenta dos dimensiones: cómo la política construye el género y cómo éste construye la política

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According to Tilly, two laws shaped the process of transformation undergone by Western European societies since the Peace of Westphalia until the end of the 20th century: their increasing inner homogenisation and their growing heterogeneity between them. Cultural inner homogenisation affected, fi rst, those ethnic groups living within the territories of the said states. The second phase of homogenisation impinged on those groups that immigrated after World War II. This process followed different models according to the country considered, but the 1973 oil crisis revealed their general lack of success. During the last quarter of the 20th century and onwards, these European societies have been altered by two progressive and contradictory global logics: a process of cultural homogenisation at the world level (rather than society level) and a process of cultural re-creation led by those groups with an immigrant background, who have reacted against their integration shortcomings by searching for new sources of social and personal esteem in their respective cultural and religious traditions. This paper seeks to clarify these processes from a social differentiation and political representation theory perspective. The latter becomes indispensable, as the said processes have happened in a context in which the structure of relations (i.e. communication) between civil society and the democratic political sphere have experienced a radical crisis. In this way, the complex relations that exist between civil society, culture, religion and politics in these Western European societies are depicted.

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Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) is a method for the systematic analysis of cases. A holistic view of cases and an approach to causality emphasizing complexity are some of its core features. Over the last decades, QCA has found application in many fields of the social sciences. In spite of this, its use in feminist research has been slower, and only recently QCA has been applied to topics related to social care, the political representation of women, and reproductive politics. In spite of the comparative turn in feminist studies, researchers still privilege qualitative methods, in particular case studies, and are often skeptical of quantitative techniques (Spierings 2012). These studies show that the meaning and measurement of many gender concepts differ across countries and that the factors leading to feminist success and failure are context specific. However, case study analyses struggle to systematically account for the ways in which these forces operate in different locations.

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This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.

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No quadro de uma sociologia da ação, procurámos conhecer as políticas públicas do setor social em preparação ou implementadas pela autarquia de Mafra e, simultaneamente, perceber a influência que a interação e o grau de concordância dos diferentes atores sociais envolvidos no desenvolvimento do projeto social do município, exercem no processo de concretização das mesmas, contribuindo, deste modo, para o sucesso do plano de ação social programado para o território, ou, pelo contrário, dificultando a sua implementação. Neste sentido, procurámos encontrar os desafios e, ao mesmo tempo, os obstáculos que se apresentam à Câmara Municipal de Mafra na implementação de um projeto social adequado à realidade da comunidade local, enquanto ator privilegiado no campo da proteção social à população, ação que vem assumindo ao longo das últimas décadas, evidenciando um papel prioritário e determinante na programação das políticas públicas desenvolvidas no território, considerando, igualmente, a influência que a regularidade da representação política dos órgãos autárquicos deste município vem exercendo também na concretização deste processo de intervenção social. Através de uma estratégia metodológica orientada para a realização de um diagnóstico prospetivo, propusemo-nos estudar os elementos principais do sistema de implementação de políticas sociais no Município de Mafra e, neste sentido: a) delimitámos o sistema e estudámos os seus elementos mais pertinentes, nomeadamente, a posição estratégica da autarquia no desenvolvimento de um projeto de intervenção social adequado ao território; b) assinalámos os objetivos estratégicos do plano de intervenção social elaborado pela autarquia em coordenação com outros atores com responsabilidade social no município e posicionámos os atores relativamente a estes objetivos estratégicos; e por fim, c) avaliámos as convergências e as divergências possíveis e a implicação dos atores na concretização dos objetivos deste plano estratégico de intervenção social. As principais conclusões deste estudo referem a existência de uma grande convergência dos atores perante os objetivos do plano de intervenção social programado pela autarquia para o município, tendo em conta a sua participação e intervenção na elaboração e execução deste projeto de âmbito social, sendo identificado como principal obstáculo de implementação, a escassez de recursos financeiros, e, como desafio de execução com maior importância, a cooperação entre a autarquia e os demais parceiros sociais do município reveladora da congregação de esforços conducentes ao desenvolvimento da estratégia de intervenção social mais adequada às necessidades do território; ABSTRACT: In the context of an action sociology sought to know the public policies in the social sector in preparation or implemented by the municipality of Mafra and simultaneously realize the influence that interaction and the degree of agreement of the different social actors involved in the development of the social project city, play in the process of implementation of the same, thus contributing to the success of social action plan scheduled for the territory, or, conversely, hindering its implementation. In this sense, we tried to meet the challenges and at the same time, the obstacles that are presented to the Municipality of Mafra in the implementation of an adequate social project the reality of the local community, as a privileged actor in the field of social protection of the population, action is taking over the past decades, showing a priority and decisive role in the planning of public policies developed in the territory, considering also the influence that the regularity of political representation of local government bodies in this municipality has exercised also in the realization of this process of social intervention. Through targeted methodological strategy for the realization of a prospective diagnosis, we proposed to study the main elements of the system of implementation of social policies in the city of Mafra and in this regard: a) delimit the system and studied the relevant elements, namely, the strategic position of authority in the development of a social intervention project suitable to the territory; b) have pointed out the strategic objectives of social intervention plan drawn up by the municipality in coordination with other actors with social responsibility in the city and we positioned the actors for these strategic objectives; and finally, c) we evaluated the convergences and divergences and the possible involvement of actors in achieving the objectives of this strategic plan of social intervention. The main findings of this study relate to the existence of a large convergence of actors towards the objectives of social intervention plan set by the local authority for the city, taking into account their participation and assistance in the preparation and implementation of the social context of the project, being identified as main obstacle to implementing the scarcity of financial resources, and the challenge of implementing more importantly, cooperation between the municipality and the other social partners in revealing municipality of congregation of efforts leading to the development of more appropriate social intervention strategy to the needs of territory.

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This article focuses on the issue of Northern Ireland's representation at Westminster. It investigates the political context of the decision to increase Northern Ireland's representation in the house of commons at Westminster from 12 members to 17 in 1978-9. Exploring this episode in more detail, it is argued, provides a more informed overall understanding of the history of devolution in the UK and of the way issues concerning Northern Ireland often overlapped with questions of constitutional change in Scotland and Wales. The article also throws light on the matter of Northern Ireland MPs and their voting rights at Westminster during Northern Ireland's experience of devolution prior to 1972.

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In a cross-country comparison of 33 European countries, we tested whether a high degree of female representation attenuates the assumed negative impact of gender on political involvement. Our multilevel analyses show positive interactive effects of female representation: the degree to which the representation of women in a given country's national parliament was descriptively adequate was positively related to women's ratings of the importance of politics and self-reported political interest. With respect to political participation, the findings are mixed.

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Opportunities structures for participation in EU policy-making are characterised by the inefficiency of institutional channels of territorial representation and the progressive inclusion of broad civil society in new systems of consultation and cooperation with EU institutions. Recent Multilevel Governance literature has recognised an increasing convergence in strategies of territorial and functional actors to respond to these challenges. Nevertheless, it has neglected the partial shift of European regions from territorial institutional representation to lobbying strategies based on acting as intermediaries for functional interests. Through strong cooperation with the private sector, regions go beyond their purely institutional roles, partly presenting themselves as actors of functional representation and thus playing by the same rules of most lobbying actors in Brussels: providing specialised and genuine information to EU institutions in exchange for inclusion in the policy-making process.

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This thesis examines why and how Indigenous Australians convert to Islam in the New South Wales suburbs of Redfern and Lakemba. It is argued that conventional religious conversion theories inadequately account for religious change in the circumstances outlined in this study. The aim of the thesis is to apply a sociological-historical methodology to document and analyse both Indigenous and Islamic pathways eventuating in Indigenous Islamic alliances. All of the Indigenous men interviewed for this research have had contact with Islam either while incarcerated or involved with the criminal justice system. The consequences of these alliances for the Indigenous men constitute the contribution the study makes to new knowledge. The study employs a socio-historical and sociological focus to account for the underlying issues by a literature review followed by an ethnographic participant observation methodology. In-depth open-ended interviews with key informants provided the rich qualitative data to compliment literature review findings. For the Indigenous people involved in this study, Islamic religious identity combined with resistance politics formed a significant empowering framework. For them it is a symbolic representation of anti-colonialism and the enduring scourge of social dysfunction in some Indigenous communities.