Estratégias de Advocacy no Terceiro Setor enquanto função das Relações Públicas: campanhas de Advocacy no IMVF: um estudo de caso

Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Gestão Estratégica das Relações Públicas.

Age-period-cohort effects in the incidence of hip fractures: political and economic events are coincident with changes in risk

Introduction: Healthcare improvements have allowed prevention but have also increased life expectancy, resulting in more people being at risk. Our aim was to analyse the separate effects of age, period and cohort on incidence rates by sex in Portugal, 2000–2008. Methods: From the National Hospital Discharge Register, we selected admissions (aged ≥49 years) with hip fractures (ICD9-CM, codes 820.x) caused by low/moderate trauma (falls from standing height or less), readmissions and bone cancer cases. We calculated person-years at risk using population data from Statistics Portugal. To identify period and cohort effects for all ages, we used an age–period–cohort model (1-year intervals) followed by generalised additive models with a negative binomial distribution of the observed incidence rates of hip fractures. Results: There were 77,083 hospital admissions (77.4 % women). Incidence rates increased exponentially with age for both sexes (age effect). Incidence rates fell after 2004 for women and were random for men (period effect). There was a general cohort effect similar in both sexes; risk of hip fracture altered from an increasing trend for those born before 1930 to a decreasing trend following that year. Risk alterations (not statistically significant) coincident with major political and economic change in the history of Portugal were observed around birth cohorts 1920 (stable–increasing), 1940 (decreasing–increasing) and 1950 (increasing–decreasing only among women). Conclusions: Hip fracture risk was higher for those born during major economically/politically unstable periods. Although bone quality reflects lifetime exposure, conditions at birth may determine future risk for hip fractures.

Is there space for senior civil servants hybrid management models across political- administrative systems?

Comunicação apresentada na 17.ª conferência anual da NISPACee, realizada de 14 a 16 de Maio de 2009.

How are top officials hybrid management models present across political-administrative systems?

Comunicação apresentada na 4th Annual ICPA - International Conference on Public Administration "Building bridges to the future: leadership and collaboration in public administration", na Universidade de Minnesota nos Estados Unidos, de 24 a 26 de setembro de 2008

Political confrontation (La confrontación política)

Recensão crítica do livro "La confrontación política" de José María Maravall

Local political elites and the Revolution: Portalegre 1941-1997

Who directs local politics? Which social and professional groups directed city and village councils in Portugal? What was their evolution and behaviour for the second half of the twentieth century, during the final years of the Estado Novo and the political transition provided by the Revolution of April 25th, 1974?

Avaliação dos serviços de saúde mental em Moçambique

RESUMO: O instrumento de avaliação de sistemas de saúde mental da organização mundial de saúde (WHO-AIMS)foi usado para a recolha de informações sobre o Programa Nacional de Saúde Mental de Moçambique. O presente estudo tem como objectivo melhorar o Programa Nacional de Saúde Mental e fornecer um ponto de partida para a monitorização das mudanças. Os resultados do estudo permitirão a Moçambique fortalecer a sua capacidade para desenvolver planos de saúde mental baseados em informações com pontos de partida e metas bem definidos. O relatório será também útil para a monitorização do progresso da implementação de reformas nas políticas de saúde mental, na disponibilização de serviços de base comunitária, e no envolvimento dos utentes, seus familiares e outros actores na promoção, prevenção,cuidados e reabilitação em saúde mental. Tendo em conta os antecedentes históricos da saúde mental em Moçambique, a realidade actual clama por reformas profundas voltadas para uma intervenção mais humanizada e com enfoque nos cuidados primários. É nesse contexto que o estudo realizado apresenta resultados relacionados com as políticas, legislação, estratégias e planos de acção e financiamento para a saúde mental; serviços de saúde mental;cuidados primários; recursos humanos e ligação com outros sectores chave. A saúde mental foi avaliada desde o sistema de gestão até ao nível comunitário. Relativamente aos órgãos de gestão, a principal constatação é que existem instrumentos legais para sustentar as iniciativas desta área e influenciar os meios políticos em prol da saúde mental. Todavia, o caminho a percorrer ainda é longo uma vez que não está ainda aprovada nenhuma lei de saúde mental e os financiamentos para a área não permitem a implementação das reformas necessárias. Os serviços ao nível clínico debatem-se com a problemática dos recursos humanos (constituídos principalmente por técnicos de psiquiatria) e disponibilidade de psicofármacos. O modelo biopsicossocial ainda não é implementado integralmente uma vez que são poucos os serviços que oferecem apoio psicossocial (que inclui a reabilitação e reintegração) para além da intervenção farmacológica. Esta pode ser considerada uma das principais causas de recaídas identificadas em todas as províncias. Há uma necessidade urgente de se realizarem pesquisas e levantamentos epidemiológicos que possam servir de suporte para a advocacia em saúde mental com vista a melhoria dos cuidados a prestar aos pacientes e comunidade. Os instrumentos de recolha de informação de rotina não são adequados limitando a fidelidade dos dados recolhidos e a possibilidade de uma gestão dos serviços de saúde mental que responda as reais necessidades da população. Em suma, os resultados aqui apresentados mostram que Moçambique tem uma base que pode ser considerada uma mais valia para a reforma do sistema de saúde mental. Existem, ainda que escassos, recursos como humanos, infra-estruturas e legislação para a prestação dos serviços clínicos. É preciso investir na saúde mental para que os recursos existentes sejam melhorados e expandidos, apostando na criação de equipas multidisciplinares e qualificação das equipas de gestão e equipas clínicas. --------ABSTRACT: The World Health Organization Assessment Instrument for Mental Health Services (WHO-AIMS) was used to collect information about the National Mental Health Program of Mozambique. The present study aims to improve the National Mental Health Program and provide a starting point for monitoring change. The study results will allow Mozambique to strengthen its capacity to develop mental health plans based on information with starting points and well-defined goals. The report will also be useful for monitoring the progress of implementation of reforms in mental health policies, the provision of community-based services, and involvement of users, their families and other stakeholders in the promotion, prevention, care and rehabilitation in mental health. Given the historical background of mental health in Mozambique, the current situation calls for reforms aimed at a more humane intervention focused on primary care. In this context, the study presents results related to policies, legislation, strategies and action plans and funding for mental health; mental health services; primary care; human resources and liaison with other key sectors. Mental health was assessed from the management system to the community level. With regard to the management, the main observation is that there are legal instruments to support the initiatives in this area and to influence the political means on behalf of mental health. However, the pathway is still long as it is not yet approved any Mental Health Law and the funding for the area do not allow the implementation of necessary reforms. Services at the clinical level are struggling with the issue of human resources (consisting primarily of psychiatrist technicians) and availability of psychotropic drugs. The biopsychosocial model is not yet fully implemented since there are few services providing psychosocial support (including rehabilitation and reintegration) in addition to pharmacological intervention. This can be considered a major cause of relapse identified in all provinces. There is an urgent need to conduct research and epidemiological surveys which could provide support for advocacy in mental health in order to improve the mental health car for the patients and community. The routine data collection instruments are not appropriate limiting the fidelity of the data collected and the possibility of a management of mental health services that meets the real needs of the population. In summary, the results presented here show that Mozambique has a groundwork that can be considered an asset for the reform of mental health system. There are, though scarce, human resources, infrastructure and legislation for the provision of clinical services. It’s necessary to invest in mental health so that existing resources are improved and expanded, and to invest on the creation of multidisciplinary teams and qualification of management teams and clinical teams.

Treasury bond returns and U.S. political cycles

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Finance from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Migrant networks and political participation in Mozambique

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Health expenditures in the OECD: A political economy analysis using structural breaks

A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Politicization of non-political events

Spatial analysis and social network analysis typically take into consideration social processes in specific contexts of geographical or network space. The research in political science increasingly strives to model heterogeneity and spatial dependence. To better understand and geographically model the relationship between “non-political” events, streaming data from social networks, and political climate was the primary objective of the current study. Geographic information systems (GIS) are useful tools in the organization and analysis of streaming data from social networks. In this study, geographical and statistical analysis were combined in order to define the temporal and spatial nature of the data eminating from the popular social network Twitter during the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The study spans the entire globe because Twitter’s geotagging function, the fundamental data that makes this study possible, is not limited to a geographic area. By examining the public reactions to an inherenlty non-political event, this study serves to illuminate broader questions about social behavior and spatial dependence. From a practical perspective, the analyses demonstrate how the discussion of political topics fluсtuate according to football matches. Tableau and Rapidminer, in addition to a set basic statistical methods, were applied to find patterns in the social behavior in space and time in different geographic regions. It was found some insight into the relationship between an ostensibly non-political event – the World Cup - and public opinion transmitted by social media. The methodology could serve as a prototype for future studies and guide policy makers in governmental and non-governmental organizations in gauging the public opinion in certain geographic locations.

Correlates of intergenerational mobility and political violence

This work project aims at exploring the role of intergenerational immobility in political violence. A cross-country macro-level analysis is done where no significant results are found. Additionally, an individual micro-level analysis is done where intergenerational mobility (measured through a proxy variable) has a negative significant effect in political violence

US fiscal dynamics in political perspective

Given the importance of fiscal balance for ensuring a sustainable fiscal policy, we conduct an empirical examination of fiscal dynamics in the United States in response to unsustainable budget deviations. We concentrate on the role of political factors, namely the Republican - Democrat presidential divide, in determining the fiscal response to budget disequilibria. Making use of an asymmetric cointegration framework, we explore politically motivated fiscal asymmetries in the US, from Eisenhower to Obama. We conclude that political factors such as the government’s political quadrant and the timing of elections are important determinants of the fiscal response to unsustainable budget deviations.