909 resultados para War on Terror


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El presente proyecto de investigación describe y analiza el surgimiento de las Compañías Militares y de Seguridad Privadas (CMSP) como fenómeno transnacional y como actor del sistema internacional, además analiza la participación que han tenido en el escenario colombiano, muestra la relación y los puntos de contacto con diferentes actores inmersos en el conflicto armado (1988 - 2012). En primer lugar, expone el contacto con el paramilitarismo, posteriormente, detalla la relación de las CSMP con el Estado colombiano y revela la contratación por parte de empresas multinacionales con mercenarios. También, refleja las consecuencias y los efectos de la participación de las CMSP en la guerra, en la sociedad y en la capacidad institucional y coercitiva del Estado colombiano, para dejar a consideración si es necesario que firmas mercenarias incidan en el conflicto colombiano conociendo las ventajas y desventajas de su participación. Palabras Claves: Compañías Militares y de Seguridad Privadas, privatización de la seguridad, mercenarismo, conflicto armado colombiano, Nuevas Guerras.

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This paper evaluates the US’ perception of and response to al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) operating in Yemen. It evaluates the empirical evidence on which the present understanding of the group is based, the implications of the socio-political context in which it operates, and the uneasy position of the Yemeni government in the war against terror as it has been affected by US policy from the early 1990s to the present. In the contested Yemeni state, AQAP is competing for political legitimacy and is increasingly dependent on public support. The US’ kill-or-capture response, the “on-off” nature of its support that has made Yemen vulnerable to the influence of al-Qaeda in the past, and the actions of the Yemeni government itself, which depends on the continued existence of the threat to secure financial support vital for political survival, means that none of the measures being taken has the potential to defeat AQAP.

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In recent years, terrorist actions have increased in Central Asia, especially in the two weakest states, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, and on the Uzbek side of the Ferghana Valley. The killing of Osama bin Laden by US special forces has raised fears of a possible backlash from his supporters and a new wave of terror across a large area surrounding Afghanistan. Now the Taliban have warned Kazakhstan – Central Asia's most successful economy and largest oil producer which has to date avoided the Islamist violence that has affected its Central Asian neighbours – of the dangers of entering the war on Afghanistan after the Kazakh parliament decided to send troops to join the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) war efforts.

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1. Documents relating to the negotiations which preceded Germany's declaration of war on Russia (August 1, 1914) and on France (August 3, 1914) Declaration of September 4, 1914.

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Analyses of the War in Afghanistan frequently mention the declining or shaky domestic support for the conflict in the United States and among several U.S. allies. This paper dates the beginning of this decline back to the resurgence of the Taliban in 2005-06 and suggests that the deteriorating course of the war on the ground in Afghanistan itself along with mounting casualties is the key reason behind this drop in domestic support for the war.

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A collection of miscellaneous pamphlets on World War I.

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A collection of miscellaneous pamphlets on World War I.

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On making a will -- Famous men -- At a summer resort -- Drink and politics -- On home life -- On food in war -- On old age -- On the power of music -- On the descent of man -- On the higher baseball -- On heros and history -- On going to see the doctor -- On "the gift of oratory" -- On golf -- On "the game of cards" -- On the Orange Revolution of 1914 -- On St. Patrick's Day -- On past glories -- On criminal trials.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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This article explores the previously neglected history of civilian internment in South Africa during World War I. German, Austro-Hungarian and Turkish nationals were classified as ‘enemy aliens’. They included mostly male immigrants, but also several hundred women and children deported from Sub-Saharan colonial contact zones. The main camp was Fort Napier in Pietermaritzburg, holding around 2,500. Based on sources in South African, German and British archives, this multi-perspectival enquiry highlights the salience of the South African case and integrates it into wider theoretical questions and arguments. The policy of civilian internment was rolled out comprehensively throughout the British Empire. Not least lessons learnt from the South African War (1900-1902), when Britain had been widely criticised for harsh conditions in its camps, led to relatively humane prisoner treatment. Another mitigating factor were the pro-German sympathies of the Afrikaner population. Nevertheless, suffering occurred through isolation and deportation. Remembering the First World War mainly as a ‘’soldiers’ waron the Western Front generates too narrow a picture. Widening the lens on civilians of both sexes in overseas territories supports notions of war totalisation.

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The nature of religion on the domestic front in Britain during the Second World War has, hitherto, been relatively unexplored. This study focuses on Birmingham and describes wartime popular religion, primarily as recounted in oral testimony. The difference the War made to people’s faith, and the consolation wrought by prayer and a religious outlook are explored, as are the religious language and concepts utilised by the wartime popular media of cinema and wireless. Clerical rhetoric about the War and concerns to spiritualise the war effort are dealt with by an analysis of locally published sources, especially parish magazines and other religious ephemera, which set the War on the spiritual as much as the military plane. A final section of the study is devoted to measuring the extent of the influence of the churches in the creation of a vision for post-war Britain and Birmingham.

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El presente Estudio de Caso tiene por objetivo determinar el alcance que tiene el Enfoque de Género de ACNUR, en la garantía de los derechos fundamentales de las mujeres y las niñas en el Campamento de Refugiados de Dadaab entre 1998 y 2010. La implementación del Enfoque resulta insuficiente en el proceso de defensa de los derechos de la población femenina, pues los problemas que enfrentan han aumentado a pesar de la ayuda humanitaria brindada por organizaciones internacionales. La iniciativa de ACNUR de mejorar las condiciones de las mujeres refugiadas, se materializa en el Enfoque de Género, no obstante los resultados de su aplicación no son los esperados. El carácter correlacional y analítico de la investigación responde al enfoque cualitativo utilizado, con el propósito de entender los retos que representa Dadaab en la aplicación de un proyecto internacional.

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O presente artigo analisa o processo de criação e regulamentação da Lei do Abate no Brasil, que autoriza a derrubada em pleno voo de aeronaves civis suspeitas de envolvimento no tráfico de drogas. Investigam-se as relações entre a elaboração da Lei do Abate, a política de guerra às drogas propagada pelos EUA e as preocupações estratégicas dos militares brasileiros acerca da segurança da Região Amazônica. Como parte da contextualização da criação dos programas de interdição aérea baseados no abate de aeronaves, estudam-se as origens e as transformações das políticas antidrogas dos EUA desde a década de 1960 e o modelo de guerra às drogas (War on Drugs). Analisa-se também o processo de discussão parlamentar no Brasil sobre a Lei do Abate e os debates para a sua regulamentação. A pesquisa ocorreu por meio da análise de documentos produzidos pelos governos dos EUA (abertos e sigilosos reclassificados) e do Brasil, da investigação dos anais do Congresso Nacional e do estudo de livros e artigos científicos nacionais e estrangeiros. Verifica-se que os programas que autorizam o abate nascem sob a justificativa do combate ao tráfico, mas se ligam às necessidades militares específicas de Peru e Colômbia. A lei brasileira surge para combater o transporte aéreo ilícito vinculado ao tráfico; contudo, sua origem e os debates posteriores para sua regulamentação submetem-se ao condicionamento dos temores e projetos militares em torno da defesa da soberania sobre a Amazônia brasileira.