Estado Islámico: erosión de la estatalidad en Iraq y Siria y la aparición de una estatalidad paralela desde la proclamación del Califato hasta la caída de Kobane

El interés de este estudio de caso es analizar la naturaleza del Estado Islámico y su impacto en la estatalidad y soberanía de Iraq y Siria. Se estudia y explica cómo ha sido la evolución y expansión del Estado Islámico y el impacto que este proceso ha tenido sobre Iraq y Siria generando de esta manera la aparición de una estatalidad paralela a través de la construcción de un aparato institucional por parte del Estado Islámico, lo que contribuye al desarrollo de un “para-estado”. Siguiendo la línea argumentativa, finalmente se demuestra que en la evolución del Estado Islámico se logra crear una forma primitiva de Estado, adquiriendo poco a poco niveles de estatalidad, lo que lleva a que los Estados de Iraq y Siria pierdan atributos de estatalidad y de un Estado soberano.

La institucionalización de la lucha contra el terrorismo transnacional a través del derecho internacional

Hasta hace casi una década, la guerra contra el terrorismo fue una lucha solitaria de los Estados. Actualmente y debido a las implicaciones globales de este fenómeno, las acciones contra este flagelo han adquirido connotación internacional. Gran parte de los países miembros de las Naciones Unidas han acogido esta guerra –contra un enemigo común, pero indefinido- como un compromiso político en favor de la paz y seguridad internacional. La producción constante de instrumentos internacionales que condenan el terrorismo y que exigen tomar medidas para combatirlo, demuestran que esa intención política originaria se ha decantado en el ordenamiento internacional como una obligación autónoma, de carácter consuetudinario; que hace que actualmente no haya país en el mundo que pueda excusarse de combatir al terrorismo (interno o transnacional) independientemente de las justificaciones que se puedan aludir para el no cumplimiento.

Contribución de la misión de naciones unidas en Guatemala – Minugua, a la promoción, defensa y garantía de los derechos de la población indígena guatemalteca (1994 a 2004)

El conflicto armado en Guatemala se originó por el abuso de poder, la desigualdad, la exclusión y la profunda discriminación, sobre todo hacia la población indígena, a la que se le han desconocido históricamente sus derechos y que fue la más afligida durante el conflicto. Lo que desembocó en el nacimiento de grupos al margen de la ley, cuyo propósito fue reivindicar los derechos de la población, así como la equidad y justicia social. El conflicto se caracterizó por la formación de grupos paramilitares, la violación al Derecho Internacional Humanitario, el elevado número de víctimas del conflicto, mayoritariamente indígenas y porque más del 85% de las violaciones a los derechos humanos fueron perpetradas por el Estado. Gracias a la voluntad política, al respaldo de la comunidad internacional, especialmente de la Organización de Naciones Unidas -ONU, y a los buenos oficios de la Comisión Nacional de Reconciliación – CNR, se lograron firmar los Acuerdos de Paz y dar fin a este cruento conflicto de más de 36 años. Las partes firmantes vieron la necesidad de que un ente autónomo e imparcial de Naciones Unidas, verificara el cumplimiento de La Misión de Naciones Unidas en Guatemala - MINUGUA contribuyó a la promoción, defensa y garantía de los derechos de la población indígena guatemalteca. Específicamente, incidió en el cumplimiento de los compromisos contenidos en el Acuerdo sobre Identidad y Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas guatemaltecos –AIDPI, que fue suscrito el 31 de marzo de 1995, asimismo, contribuyó a la garantía del derecho a la justicia de la población indígena, lo que se evidenció en las acciones y el papel que desempeñó en los componentes de verdad, justicia y reparación.

El rol de los actores subnacionales en la construcción de la política exterior de Japón. Estudio de caso: La disputa territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu entre Japón y China (2001-2014)

El presente estudio de caso tiene como objetivo analizar la influencia de la gobernación de Tokio en la formulación de la política exterior de Japón durante la disputa territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu. Para ello, se identifican los puntos más relevantes de la política exterior de seguridad de Japón después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Se hace un énfasis en la política bilateral de seguridad sino-japonesa, con el fin de ubicar el conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu como un punto importante en la agenda internacional de seguridad de ambos países. Se estudia y analiza el concepto de paradiplomacia; articulado, a su vez, por los conceptos de identidad y rol en política exterior de la perspectiva teórica del Constructivismo de las Relaciones Internacionales, para así analizar la influencia de Tokio en el manejo de la política exterior de Japón en el marco del conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu.

La política económica de la República Popular China: un desafío a la hegemonía monetaria de los Estados Unidos en el Sudeste Asiático. Periodo 2003 -2015

La presente investigación parte del declive de la hegemonía de los Estados Unidos y el paralelo asenso económico de la República Popular China en las últimas décadas. De este modo, se plantea como objetivo principal analizar cómo China mediante su política económica desafía a la hegemonía monetaria de los Estado Unidos en el Sudeste Asiático, durante el periodo de 2003 a 2015. Con el fin de lograr este objetivo, se elabora un estudio de la hegemonía de los Estados Unidos y sus dinámicas en el Sudeste Asiático. Asimismo, se analiza la política económica de la República Popular China y su incidencia frente a la hegemonía estadounidense en el Sudeste Asiático.

Comparing international television news : the case of violence presentation in Germany, Great Britain and Russia -- [in German : Gewalt in internationalen Fernsehnachrichten - eine komparative Analyse medialer Gewaltpräsentation in Deutschland, Großbritannien und Russland]

This is an important book that ought to launch a debate about how we research our understanding of the world, it is an innovative intervention in a vital public issue, and it is an elegant and scholarly hard look at what is actually happening. Jean Seaton, Prof of Media History, U of Westminster, UK & Official Historian of the BBC -- Summary: This book investigates the question of how comparative studies of international TV news (here: on violence presentation) can best be conceptualized in a way that allows for crossnational, comparative conclusions on an empirically validated basis. This book shows that such a conceptualization is necessary in order to overcome existing restrictions in the comparability of international analysis on violence presentation. Investigated examples include the most watched news bulletins in Great Britain (10o'clock news on the BBC), Germany (Tagesschau on ARD) and Russia (Vremja on Channel 1). This book highlights a substantial cross-national violence news flow as well as a cross-national visual violence flow (key visuals) as distinct transnational components. In addition, event-related textual analysis reveals how the historical rootedness of nations and its symbols of power are still manifested in televisual mediations of violence. In conclusion, this study lobbies for a conscientious use of comparative data/analysis both in journalism research and practice in order to understand what it may convey in the different arenas of today’s newsmaking.

Providing youth with skills, training and employment opportunities through ICT Initiatives

Youth population is increasing explosively particularly in developing countries as a result of rapid urbanization. This increase is bringing large number of social and economic problems. For instance the impacts of job and training availability, and the physical, social and cultural quality of urban environment on young people are enormous, and affect their health, lifestyles, and well-being (Gleeson and Sipe 2006). Besides this, globalization and technological developments are affecting youth in urban areas in all parts of the world, both positively and negatively (Robertson 1995). The rapidly advancing information and communications technologies (ICTs) helps in addressing social and economic problems caused by the rapid growth of urban youth populations in developing countries. ICTs offer opportunities to young people for learning, skill development and employment. But there are downsides: young people in many developing countries lack of having broad access to these new technologies, they are vulnerable to global market changes, and ICTs link them into global cultures which promote consumer goods, potentially eroding local cultures and community values (Manacorda and Petrongolo 1999). However we believe that the positives outweigh such negatives. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the world’s young population number more than they ever have. There are over a billion young people between the ages of 15 and 24, which 85 per cent of them live in developing countries and mainly in urban environments. Many of these young people are in the process of making, or have already made, the transition from school to work. During the last two decades all around the world, these young people, as new workers, have faced a number of challenges associated with globalization and technological advances on labour markets (United Nations 2004). The continuous decrease in the manufacturing employment is made many of the young people facing three options: getting jobs in the informal economy with insecurity and poor wages and working conditions, or getting jobs in the low-tier service industries, or developing their vocational skills to benefit from new opportunities in the professional and advanced technical/knowledge sectors. Moreover in developing countries a large portion of young people are not even lucky enough to choose among any of these options, and consequently facing long-term unemployment, which makes them highly vulnerable. The United Nations’ World Youth Employment report (2004) indicates that in almost all countries, females tend to be far more vulnerable than males in terms of long-term unemployment, and young people who have advanced qualifications are far less likely to experience long-term unemployment than others. In the limited opportunities of the formal labour market, those with limited vocational skills resort to forced entrepreneurship and selfemployment in the informal economy, often working for low pay under hazardous conditions, with only few prospects for the future (United Nations 2005a). The International Labour Organization’s research (2004) revealed that the labour force participation rates for young people decreased by almost four per cent (which is equivalent of 88 million young people) between 1993 and 2003. This is largely as a result of the increased number of young people attending school, high overall unemployment rates, and the fact that some young people gave up any hope of finding work and dropped out of the labour market. At the regional level, youth unemployment was highest in Middle East and North Africa (MENA) (25.6%) and sub-Saharan Africa (21%) and lowest in East Asia (7%) and the industrialized economies(13.4%) (International Labour Organization 2004). The youth in economically disadvantaged regions (e.g. the MENA region) face many challenges in education and training that delivers them the right set of skills and knowledge demanded by the labour market. As a consequence, the transition from school to work is mostly unsuccessful and young population end up either unemployed or underemployed in the informal sectors (United Nations 2005b). Unemployment and lack of economic prospects of the urban youth are pushing many of them into criminal acts, excessive alcohol use, substance addiction, and also in many cases resulting in processes of social or political violence (Fernandez-Maldonado 2004; United Nations 2005a). Long-term unemployment leads young people in a process of marginalisation and social exclusion (United Nations 2004). The sustained high rates of long-term youth unemployment have a number of negative effects on societies. First, it results in countries failing to take advantage of the human resources to increase their productive potential, at a time of transition to a globalized world that inexorably demands such leaps in productive capacity. Second, it reinforces the intergenerational transmission of poverty. Third, owing to the discrepancy between more education and exposure to the mass media and fewer employment opportunities, it may encourage the spread of disruptive behaviours, recourse to illegal alternatives for generating income and the loss of basic societal values, all of which erode public safety and social capital. Fourth, it may trigger violent and intractable political conflicts. And lastly, it may exacerbate intergenerational conflicts when young people perceive a lack of opportunity and meritocracy in a system that favours adults who have less formal education and training but more wealth, power and job stability (Hopenhayn 2002). To assist in addressing youth’s skill training and employment problems this paper scrutinises useful international practices, policies, initiatives and programs targeting youth skill training, particularly in ICTs. The MENA national governments and local authorities could consider implementing similar initiative and strategies to address some of the youth employment issues. The broader aim of this paper is to investigate the successful practice and strategies for the information and communication related income generation opportunities for young people to: promote youth entrepreneurship; promote public-private partnerships; target vulnerable groups of young people; narrow digital divide; and put young people in charge. The rest of this paper is organised in five parts. First, the paper provides an overview of the literature on the knowledge economy, skill, education and training issues. Secondly, it reviews the role of ICTs for vocational skill development and employability. Thirdly, it discusses the issues surrounding the development of the digital divide. Fourthly, the paper underlines types and the importance of developing ICT initiatives targeting young people, and reviews some of the successful policy implementations on ICT-based initiatives from both developed and developing countries that offer opportunities to young people for learning, skill development and employment. Then the paper concludes by providing useful generalised recommendations for the MENA region countries and cities in: advocating possible opportunities for ICT generated employment for young people; and discussing how ICT policies could be modified and adopted to meet young people’s needs.

Violence Profiles on International TV News

Journalism has achieved a crucial importance as a social institution linked with the notion of the public interest. It is still doing so but is nevertheless increasingly challenged by getting networked with the interested publics. This becomes more apparent in times when the media repertoires and audiences as such are changing, when the public relies on more than one news source for the transmission and formulation of world events, but when the importance of TV news nevertheless remains relatively stable. Against this backdrop we may ask what publics contribute to or take away from the new plethora of images and stories saturating the media? This article gives an approximate answer by drawing on a comparative analysis of the present-day presentations of violence on British, German, and Russian television news. Violence in the media is not a new phenomenon, as age-old literary masterpieces like Homer’s Odyssey show, but it is still a very popular one, especially in the news. This article highlights trans-national and national elements in the reporting of violence in three different news cultures. At first glance, both the substantial cross-national violence news flow and the cross-national visual violence flow (key visuals) may be interpreted as distinctly trans-national elements. Event-related textual analysis, however, reveals how the historical rootedness of nations and their specific symbols of power are still very much manifested in respective television mediations of violence. In conclusion, this study recommends the pursuit of conscientious comparisons in journalist research and practice in order to understand what violence news convey in the different arenas of present-day newsmaking.

U.S. Asylum Policy and the New World Order

"In the new world order, differences in political ideology have given way to differences in economic conditions between nation states as the prompting force for the outflow of would-be refugees and asylum seekers. In part, these pressures are associated with the political disintegration of the poorer republics of the former Soviet Union and its former satellite nations into ethnic enclaves. But the most endemic of the new contributory pressures are emanating from North-South economic differences between the "have" and "have-not" nations."

A agenda do desenvolvimento na promoção dos direitos humanos: uma análise da política externa brasileira no governo Lula

Os direitos humanos consolidaram um conjunto de valores ético-políticos considerados fundamentais para assegurar o respeito à dignidade do ser humano. A problemática do desenvolvimento é fundamental para as considerações de política externa de países como o Brasil. A consagração do Direito ao Desenvolvimento (DaD) como um direito humano desafia a divisão artificial dos direitos humanos e revela a evolução temática deste campo de estudo. Essa dissertação usa o instrumental dos direitos humanos para avaliar a relevância e a singularidade de algumas posições brasileiras. Após uma dissonância observada nos anos 1970, reflexo do ciclo autoritário por que passava o país, verificou-se postura cooperativa do Brasil nas proposições que versavam sobre o DaD. No mesmo sentido, observou-se que, conquanto não seja conceito recorrente no discurso oficial brasileiro, as posições do país, no que dizem respeito ao modelo de desenvolvimento defendido e aos direitos humanos, autorizam a inferência de que há uma harmonia em relação aos princípios fundamentais dispostos na Declaração sobre o DaD, de 1986. Da análise das posições brasileiras, tornou-se possível particularizar a política externa do governo Lula. Do levantamento das variáveis internas e externas que exercem influência sobre a formulação política do governo, bem como das iniciativas públicas e dos discursos oficiais, encontramos alguma evidência empírica no sentido de que a política externa brasileira para os direitos humanos, na administração de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, passa por um viés de promoção do desenvolvimento e de crítica à ordem internacional. A política se singulariza por incorporar uma dimensão de valores à crítica. Com isso, harmoniza-se com as posições defendidas pelo país nos plenários internacionais, onde o tema do DaD tem sido objeto de debate.

Repolitizando a política externa financeira: uma análise da formulação da política externa brasileira para o setor financeiro pós 2008

O trabalho identifica quais os fatores sistêmicos e domésticos que influenciam na formulação da política externa brasileira para o setor financeiro, com foco no período posterior à crise financeira de 2008. Para esse fim, a pesquisa analisa os atores domésticos que atuam no processo decisório de formulação da política externa para o setor financeiro, assim como seus interesses. Os órgãos federais ? nomeadamente o Ministério da Fazenda, o Banco Central e o Ministério das Relações Exteriores ? são os atores mais influentes nesse processo. O setor privado, apesar de dispor de capacidades políticas, delega a sua participação ao governo, assumindo uma postura reativa. Por sua vez, a sociedade civil tem pouca influência nesse processo. O cenário internacional tem papel de destaque nesse processo, pois restringe as ações do país, de acordo com a posição na hierarquia de poder. Após a estabilização econômica brasileira e a crise que abalou os mercados do Norte, o Brasil encontra-se mais livre em sua atuação internacional. Com isso, há um processo de repolitização da política externa para o setor financeiro, em que, no plano internacional, o Brasil coopera com outros países emergentes para demandar a redistribuição de poder decisório; e no plano doméstico, atores que antes não exerciam grande influência passam a ter.

O conceito de soberania no estado contemporâneo e suas implicações na dicotomia entre o direito interno e o direito internacional

A soberania surge como uma categoria do Estado Moderno. Do início da modernidade aos tempos atuais, o presente trabalho demonstra como surgiu a soberania e como sofreu vicissitudes, de uma concepção absolutista, como um fundamento legitimador do direito positivo, passando pelo fenômeno constitucionalista e a emergência da ideia de Estado de Direito, o apogeu nos âmbitos interno e externo com o totalitarismo e sua relativização na segunda metade do Século XX. A soberania moderna, com a instituição das Nações Unidas inicia seu processo de transmutação, o que foi acelerado pela globalização contemporânea e atualmente é uma categoria que foi ressignificada para se adequar à concepção contemporânea de Estado, com novas funções internamente e externamente. Essa nova soberania implicou em transformações no direito internacional, que classicamente era baseado em um sistema de Westphalia. As tradicionais teorias que explicam as relações entre o direito interno e o direito internacional tornam-se insuficientes diante da nova configuração da sociedade internacional, baseada na nova soberania, que não se trata mais de uma categoria oposta ao direito, mas que permite uma integração entre as diversas ordens jurídicas estatais e a internacional em uma só, sem que haja uma relação de hierarquia entre elas.

Rola Unii Europejskiej w budowie nowego ładu międzynarodowego - stan obecny i perspekytywy

W nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych porządek, czy też ład międzynarodowy, to zbiór podmiotów państwowych i niepaństwowych złączonych wzajemnymi relacjami o różnorodnym charakterze i działających według wspólnie wypracowanych lub narzuconych z zewnątrz reguł. Po zakończeniu zimnej wojny i utracie na znaczeniu ładu jałtańskiego rozgorzała dyskusja nad kształtem jaki ma przybrać ład postzimnowojenny. Z poczynionych rozważań wynika, że polityczny i gospodarczy ład międzynarodowy w najbliższych dekadach będzie wielobiegunowy. Szczególne znaczenie odgrywać w nim będą USA, Chiny , a także Unia Europejska, Japonia, Indie i Brazylia. Obecnie UE odgrywa jedną z najważniejszych ról w budowie ładu międzynarodowego. Widać to zwłaszcza pod względem gospodarczym jako że Unia UE jest obecnie największym światowym eksporterem i drugim (po USA) importerem. Wydaje się jednak, że tradycyjne opisywanie Unii Europejskiej jako przykładu obszaru sukcesu gospodarczego może w najbliższym czasie ulec zmianie. Europa w długiej perspektywie ulegnie marginalizacji jeśli nie wróci do projektów ściślejszej integracji, nie wykorzysta lepiej swojego potencjału intelektualnego i gospodarczego oraz nie przyspieszy rozwoju poprzez stawianie na nowe technologie. Dla podtrzymania swojej pozycji powinna ona aktywniej współpracować z USA, utrzymywać poprawne stosunki z krajami azjatyckimi a także zaangażować się we współpracę z organizacjami między- i pozarządowymi, które w najbliższych latach będą zyskiwać na znaczeniu

Sectarian and Nonsectarian Violence: Mothers' Appraisals of Political Conflict in Northern Ireland

Past research on peace and conflict in Northern Ireland has focused on politically motivated violence. However, other types of crime (i.e., nonsectarian) also impact community members. To study the changing nature of violence since the signing of the Belfast Agreement in Northern Ireland, we used a qualitative approach and the Constant Comparative Method to analyze focus group discussions with mothers from segregated Belfast neighborhoods. Participants articulated clear differences between sectarian and nonsectarian violence, and further distinguished sectarian violence along 2 dimensions—overt acts and perceived intergroup threat. Although both sectarian and nonsectarian antisocial behavior related to insecurity, participants described pulling together and increased ingroup social cohesion in response to sectarian incidents. The findings have implications for the study of violence and insecurity as experienced in the everyday lives of mothers, youth, and families in settings of protracted conflict.

Convergence/Divergence: Party political discourse in Northern Ireland's transition from conflict

This paper illuminates the role of political language in a peace process through analysing the discourse used by political parties in Northern Ireland. What matters, it seems, is not whether party discourses converge or diverge but rather how, and in what ways, they do so. In the case of Northern Ireland, there remains strong divergence between discourses regarding the ethos of unionist and nationalist parties. As a consequence, core definitions of identity, culture, norms and principle remain common grounds for competition within nationalism and unionism. There has, however, been a significant shift towards convergence between unionist and nationalist parties in their discourses on power and governance, specifically among the now predominant (hardline) and the smaller (moderate) parties. The argument thus elaborated is that political transition from conflict need not necessarily entail the creation of a “shared discourse” between all parties. Indeed, points of divergence between parties’ discourses of power and ethos are as important for a healthy post-conflict democratic environment as the elements of convergence between them.