734 resultados para Television in politics
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This is a comprehensive textbook for students of Television Studies, now updated for its third edition. The book provides students with a framework for understanding the key concepts and main approaches to Television Studies, including audience research, television history and broadcasting policy, and the analytical study of individual programmes. The book includes a glossary of key terms used in the television industry and in the academic study of television, there are suggestions for further reading at the end of each chapter, and chapters include suggested activities for use in class or as assignments. The case studies in the book include analysis of advertisements, approaches to news reporting, television scheduling, and challenges to television in new contexts of viewing on computers and mobile devices. The topics of individual chapters are: studying television, television histories, television cultures, television texts and narratives, television genres and formats, television production, television quality and value, television realities and representation, television censorship and regulation, television audiences, and the likely future for television.
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This chapter explores some of the textual specificity of the Steven Moffat/Matt Smith Doctor Who, in relation to its positioning within the current transatlantic television landscape. The chapter develops further the existing scholarship on Doctor Who, by both offering a critical assessment of the transatlantic dimensions of the Moffat/Smith-era Doctor Who, and by challenging some of the existing critical arguments about Doctor Who's transatlantic dimensions. Particular attention is paid to the casting, physicality and costuming of actor Matt Smith as the Doctor in relation to notions of Britishness.
Social equality in the number of choice options is represented in the ventromedial prefrontal cortex
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A distinct aspect of the sense of fairness in humans is that we care not only about equality in material rewards but also about equality in non-material values. One such value is the opportunity to choose freely among many options, often regarded as a fundamental right to economic freedom. In modern developed societies, equal opportunities in work, living, and lifestyle are enforced by anti-discrimination laws. Despite the widespread endorsement of equal opportunity, no studies have explored how people assign value to it. We used functional magnetic resonance imaging to identify the neural substrates for subjective valuation of equality in choice opportunity. Participants performed a two-person choice task in which the number of choices available was varied across trials independently of choice outcomes. By using this procedure, we manipulated the degree of equality in choice opportunity between players and dissociated it from the value of reward outcomes and their equality. We found that activation in the ventromedial prefrontal cortex tracked the degree to which the number of options between the two players was equal. In contrast, activation in the ventral striatum tracked the number of options available to participants themselves but not the equality between players. Our results demonstrate that the vmPFC, a key brain region previously implicated in the processing of social values, is also involved in valuation of equality in choice opportunity between individuals. These findings may provide valuable insight into the human ability to value equal opportunity, a characteristic long emphasized in politics, economics, and philosophy.
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The encoding of goal-oriented motion events varies across different languages. Speakers of languages without grammatical aspect (e.g., Swedish) tend to mention motion endpoints when describing events, e.g., “two nuns walk to a house,”, and attach importance to event endpoints when matching scenes from memory. Speakers of aspect languages (e.g., English), on the other hand, are more prone to direct attention to the ongoingness of motion events, which is reflected both in their event descriptions, e.g., “two nuns are walking.”, and in their non-verbal similarity judgements. This study examines to what extent native speakers of Swedish (n = 82) with English as a foreign language (FL) restructure their categorisation of goal-oriented motion as a function of their English proficiency and experience with the English language (e.g., exposure, learning). Seventeen monolingual native English speakers from the United Kingdom (UK) were engaged for comparison purposes. Data on motion event cognition were collected through a memory-based triads matching task, in which a target scene with an intermediate degree of endpoint orientation was matched with two alternative scenes with low and high degrees of endpoint orientation, respectively. Results showed that the preference among the Swedish speakers of L2 English to base their similarity judgements on ongoingness rather than event endpoints was correlated with their use of English in their everyday lives, such that those who often watched television in English approximated the ongoingness preference of the English native speakers. These findings suggest that event cognition patterns may be restructured through the exposure to FL audio-visual media. The results thus add to the emerging picture that learning a new language entails learning new ways of observing and reasoning about reality.
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There is a lack of research on the everyday lives of older people in developing countries. This exploratory study used structured observation and content analysis to examine the presence of older people in public fora, and considered the methods’ potential for understanding older people’s social integration and inclusion. Structured observation occurred of public social spaces in six cities each located in a different developing country, and in one city in the United Kingdom, together with content analysis of the presence of people in newspaper pictures and on television in the selected countries. Results indicated that across all fieldwork sites and data sources, there was a low presence of older people, with women considerably less present than men in developing countries. There was variation across fieldwork sites in older people’s presence by place and time of day, and in their accompanied status. The presence of older people in images drawn from newspapers was associated with the news/non-news nature of the source. The utility of the study’s methodological approach is considered, as is the degree to which the presence of older people in public fora might relate to social integration and inclusion in different cultural contexts.
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Publicación bilingüe
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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This monograph has as objectives introduce digital terrestrial television, describing the process of installation of this in Spain, their technical qualities and possibilities of change and innovation that this creates. The exposure of the different chapters of this monograph has a objective presenting and discussing what are the characteristics of this new technology, your birth, what is its importance in communication and how this is inserted inside the Spanish reality. The introduction of digital terrestrial television in Spain is cited as an example of a pioneer in the development and installation of this new technology, but also appears as a nation that has come a way with some economic failures, reaching one of the largest cases of delayed installation of digital television in Western Europe. Making use of the European system for digital terrestrial television (DVB-T - Digital Video Broadcasting) it was possible some advances as the quality of communication and strengthening national public television system, but many vices of analog system were transferred this new system, as the concentration of channels to a foreign group and interactivity opportunities were wasted. Digital terrestrial television can provides better picture quality and sound, possibility of interactivity, mobility, hypermedia and multiprogramming, while the latter tool may lead to the democratization of media, opening it to other social agents. Going much further than just a technological advancement, digital television is strongly connected with the politics and the economy of the nation in which it operates
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The implantation procedure of the multiprogramming for TV Cultura, a station under the responsibility of the Fundação Padre Anchieta,from the regulation of digital television in Brazil, through the Sistema Brasileiro de Televisão Digital Terrestre (SBTVD-T), involves the creation and implantation of multiprogramming channels of the station, the Univesp TV and the Multicultura channels, which are functioning through means of a special authorization in scientific and experimental character. Analyzed from the Communication Politics Economy point of view, this research contributes to the reflexion about the multiprogramming which may create alternatives to new options in this country programming and content.
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This paper focuses first on cultural syncretism, used to characterize Brazilian culture. The other aspect of this socially and racially blended culture is the unfinished assimilation of liberalism in politics and the economy, which defines Brazilian society. The increased assimilation and dissemination of psychology may be linked with these in cultural and social aspects. During the military period (1964-1974) the major expansion in university-level studies in psychology contributed ideologically to the dissemination of psychology throughout Brazilian society. This introduced a type of psychology that was related primarily to clinical practice and developed in opposition to social work practice. This paper examines the ideological bases for this conflict between clinical and social work. Criteria for understanding the cultural dissemination of psychoanalysis are then discussed, and it is argued that cultural incorporation of psychoanalysis involves the development of discourse complexes to reflect particular aspects of Brazilian society. The criteria (a non-totalitarian society and the displacement of a magical and religious interpretation of mental disturbance by psychiatric interpretation) are evaluated in relation to the peculiarities of Brazilian syncretism. The paper argues that cultural syncretism and the incomplete assimilation of liberal ideology must be included as criteria in understanding the particular cultural incorporation of psychoanalysis in Brazil.
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This thesis deals with cooperation between France, Germany and the United Kingdom within the area of foreign and security policy. Two case studies are presented, one of them concerning cooperation between the three states within and outside institutions in 1980 following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the other dealing with cooperation concerning the crisis in Macedonia in 2001. In accordance with the approach of neoliberal institutionalism the primary hypothesis is that cooperation is primarily determined by the interests of states but it is also limited by norms and affected by the institutions of which the three states are members. The study describes the large variety of forms of cooperation that exist between France, Germany and the United Kingdom, in which the United States also plays an important part, and which also includes their cooperation within a number of international institutions. The study also points to the new forms of interaction between states and institutions that have come about since the Cold War ended, and which give a stronger role to institutions and the cooperation between them. Still, however, states retain a decisive role in cooperation within the field of foreign and security policy.
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The dissertation regards The memory on the Italian Risorgimento in “Justice and Freedom”(1929-1940) a theoretical core point in the history of the Movement, which so far has not been granted due attention. The work herewith presented is therefore aimed at filling a storiographical gap, analysing the historical events which continue to operate as traditions, raising feelings and passions and hence operating in politics, although as secondary factors. The point made is that the Justice and Freedom Movement, an antifascist political movement born in Paris in October 1929, bases its strength on the heroic choice of the antifascism movement to fight a Second Risorgimento, connecting the fight against the regime to the battles previously fought for the justice and the freedom, an entirely isolated event in the political opposition’s panorama. The dissertation, thus, attempts to explain how and why Justice and Freedom is so tightly interconnected in its political action to the Risorgimento tradition. The first chapter sets the cultural background of the foundation of the Justice and Freedom Movement. The centre of such foundation was Florence, where Gaetano Salvemini, along with a group of young people, would later on carry out some cultural experiences that ideally prepare the ground for the movement’s birth. In the second chapter are found the sites of the memory where the passage of the Risorgimento tradition between the generations takes place. The work therefore shifts from a public to a private level, concentrating on biographical paths. The choice made was for Nello Rosselli, a man very close to the Justice and Freedom Movement but who, as opposed to his comrades-in-arms, did not chose the political way to express his ethical choice, but rather the theoretical one, becoming a Risorgimento historian. The third chapter concentrates on the birth of the Justice and Freedom Movement in France, trying to reconstruct the cultural ties and the confrontation places and sites where the members of the Movement could interact with the French intellectual milieu, bringing back to light the propagandistic usage of the Risorgimento myth carried out by the Movement. Lastly, the fourth chapter focuses on the cultural debate on the Risorgimento, which took place on the press organs of the Movement, pointing out and periodizing the theoretical passages and the propagandistic uses of the myth as related to the stages of the Movement and the political needs.
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There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.
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Victor Sazonov (Russia). Video Games and Aggression in Teenagers. Mr. Sazonov works as a psychologist at the Obninsk Linguistic College and worked on this research from July 1996 to June 1997. Mr. Sazonov conducted a survey of 200 tenth and eleventh graders in Moscow (94 boys and 106 girls), in which they were asked to estimate the total amount of time they spent playing video games each week and which games were the most popular. Aggression was also assessed using two measures, the first dealing with manifest physical aggression and the second with aggressive behavioural delinquency. The data collected showed that 62% of teenagers spend at least one hour a week playing video games, with 10% spending over seven hours on them. Girls tended to play less than boys (1.6 and 2.8 hours on average respectively). Eight of the ten most popular games require the player to perform acts of a violent nature. Boys also scored higher on the index of aggressive behavioural delinquency, with a mean of 7.0 compared to 4.6 for girls. The results of the correlation analysis between time spent playing video games and measures of aggression were mixed. No relation was found between manifest physical aggression and time spent on the games, although in the case of aggressive behavioural delinquency the link was significant, which seems to indicate that aggressive teenagers spend more time playing video games. While the lack of significant correlations between violent games and aggression suggest that video games may not in fact be as great a menace as their critics suggest, Mr. Sazonov admits that these findings may be influenced by the high number of teenagers who do not play games at all or play relatively little. He also suggests that the abstract nature of the violence in games (often directed against aliens or spaceships) may make it less of a risk than the more realistic violence seen on television. In summary, however, he concludes that his results provide more support for the theories saying that violent video games provide a stimulus to violent action, than for those which suggest that they may help defuse violent tendencies.