Avaliação de impacto do Programa de Modernização Tributária e da Gestão dos Setores Sociais Básicos (PMAT) na arrecadação de ISSQN e IPTU dos municípios, no período de 1999 a 2011

O objetivo deste trabalho é avaliar o impacto do Programa de Modernização da Administração Tributária e da Gestão dos Setores Sociais Básicos (PMAT), gerido pelo Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES), na arrecadação tributária dos Municípios, no período de 1999 a 2011. Para tanto, utilizamos um modelo econométrico de dados em painel com estimador de efeitos fixos. As variáveis dependentes são os logs da arrecadação de ISSQN e IPTU, as variáveis explicativas são os desembolsos do BNDES e o PIB municipal desagregado. Realizamos regressões com dummies de tratamento e com o log dos desembolsos. Além realizar regressões com toda a amostra disponível, delimitamos a amostra do grupo de controle em dois subgrupos para tentar eliminar efeitos de tendências entre entidades. A primeira delimitação foi utilizar a amostra que realizou consultas ao banco de fomento e não obteve sucesso. A segunda delimitação foi a de municípios que possuem proximidade geográfica daqueles comtemplados pelo financiamento. Os resultados encontrados demonstram não haver significância estatística entre desembolsos realizados pelo BNDES e a trajetória da arrecadação dos tributos em análise na maior parte dos modelos utilizados. Apenas nas regressões com dados da amostra que realizou consulta ao BNDES, obteve-se significância estatística, ao nível de 5% para o tributo IPTU, no efeito acumulado ao longo do tempo.

Retos de la política fiscal en Centroamérica

Incluye Bibliografía

Fiscal policy and the economic cycle in Chile

Includes bibliography

The United States-Central American Free Trade Agreement: fiscal implications for the Central American countries

Includes bibliography

México: evolución económica durante 2007 y perspectivas para 2008

Incluye Bibliografía

Panamá: evolución económica durante 2008 y perspectivas para 2009

Incluye Bibliografía

Guatemala: evolución económica durante 2008 y perspectivas para 2009

Incluye Bibliografía

Export competitiveness in an oil and gas economy: the case of Trinidad and Tobago, 1985-2010

The oil and gas sector has led the economy of Trinidad and Tobago since the late 1970s and, more pronouncedly, since 2000, accounting for a large share of gdp, total exports and tax revenue. Its prospects in the medium term could be negatively affected, however, if oil and gas extraction expands in other countries, and if the United States attains energy self-sufficiency. This paper offers an analysis of the evolution and competitiveness of its oil and non-oil exports to both the United States and global markets, based on the revealed comparative advantage (rca) index used by eclac. Other foreign trade indicators are also included to determine the structure of the country’s trading relations. The period from 1985 to 2010 is analysed and the results presented are intended to advocate the diversification of Trinidad and Tobago’s exports into more dynamic and diversified markets.

The Challenge of Preventing Teen Pregnancy in Texas

A reduction in teen pregnancy and subsequent reduction in teen births correlates to myriad improvements in personal (e.g., high school completion, experience of abuse and neglect, etc); social (e.g., number of children in single parent families, life-long poverty, incarceration rates, etc); and economic (e.g., Medicaid costs, decreased tax revenue, etc) outcomes. In 2005, over 73,000 teen girls in Texas age 15-19 became pregnant, a number significantly higher than any other state. Given the severity of the issue the formation of a statewide organization in Texas devoted to addressing the prevention of teen pregnancy is long overdue. The challenge of reducing teen pregnancy is daunting yet there is momentum and a cadre of committed individuals who have formally put together an organization to provide guidance, oversight and a statewide voice of leadership - all things needed to be successful reducing teen pregnancy in Texas. This commentary provides reactions to proposed strategies and to-date lessons learned.

The Economic Case for Fiscal Federalism in Scotland

In this paper we consider the case for assigning tax revenues to Scotland, by which we mean that taxes levied on Scottish tax bases should be returned to the Scottish budget. The budget, however, would continue to be supplemented by transfers from the Westminster budget. This arrangement differs from the current situation whereby public spending is largely financed by a bloc grant from Westminster. Our suggestion falls short of full fiscal federalism for Scotland . meaning that Scotland had control over choice of tax base and of tax rates, and fiscal transfers from Westminster would be minimal. We use propositions drawn from the theory of fiscal federalism to argue for a smaller vertical imbalance between taxes retained in Scotland and public spending in Scotland. A closer matching of spending with taxes would better signal to beneficiaries the true costs of public spending in terms of taxes raised. It would also create more complete incentives for politicians to provide public goods and services in quantities and at qualities that voters are actually willing to pay for. Under the current bloc grant system, the marginal tax cost of spending does not enter into political agents. calculations as spending is out of a fixed total budget. Moreover, the Scottish electorate is hindered in signaling its desire for local public goods and services since the size of the total budget is determined by a rigid formula set by Westminster. At the present time we reject proposals for full fiscal federalism because in sharply reducing vertical imbalance in the Scottish budget, it is likely to worsen horizontal balance between Scotland and the other UK regions. Horizontal balance occurs where similarly situated regions enjoy the same per capita level of public goods and services at the same per capita tax cost. The complete removal of the bloc grant under full fiscal federalism would remove the mechanism that currently promotes horizontal equity in the UK. Variability in own-source tax revenues creates other problems with full fiscal federalism. Taxes derived from North Sea oil would constitute a large proportion of Scottish taxes, but these are known to be volatile in the face of variable oil prices and the pound-dollar exchange rate. At the present time variability in oil tax revenue is absorbed by Westminster. Scotland is insulated through the bloc grant. This risk sharing mechanism would be lost with full fiscal federalism. It is true that Scotland could turn to financial markets to tide itself over oil tax revenue downturns, but as a much smaller and less diversified financial entity than the UK as a whole it would probably have to borrow on less favorable terms than can Westminster. Scotland would have to bear this extra cost itself. Also, with full fiscal federalism it is difficult to see how the Scottish budget could be used as a macroeconomic stabilizer. At present, tax revenue downturns in Scotland - together with the steady bloc grant - are absorbed through an increase in vertical imbalance. This acts as an automatic stabilizer for the Scottish economy. No such mechanism would exist under full fiscal federalism. The borrowing alternative would still exist but on the less favorable terms - as with borrowing to finance oil tax shortfalls.

Church and State

Church and state have historically had an uneasy relationship, sometimes close allies, at others harsh adversaries, and at still others largely independent of one another. This paper develops an economic model of this relationship, where the state's objective is to maximize net tax revenue, while the church provides religious goods. Religious goods benefit the state in two ways: first, they provide utility to citizens, thus allowing the state to extract more taxes before running up against citizens' reservation utility (the point at which they would revolt), and second, they potentially provide legitimacy to the state, thereby lowering the costs of tax collection. If the latter effect is strong enough, the state may find it optimal to take control of the church, either to enhance its legitimizing effect, or to suppress its de-legitimizing effect. To evaluate the model's implications, we use recent cross-country data on the relationship between religion and state, including measures coded from the 2001, 2003, and 2005 International Religious Freedom reports. We also examine in more detail some of the paradigmatic cases indicated by the model, presenting various types of evidence from current and historical examples of each case.

Practical Modified Gini Index. ACES Working Papers, 2012

The Gini index is the most common method for estimating the level of income inequality in countries. In this paper we suggest a simple modification that takes into account the moderating effect of in-kind government benefits. Unlike other studies that use micro level data that is rarely available for many countries or over a period of time, the proposed modified Gini index could be calculated using just the regularly available data for each country. Such data includes the original Gini coefficient, government consumption expenditures, GDP and total tax revenue as a percentage of GDP. This modified version of the Gini index allows us to calculate the level of inequality more precisely, and make better comparisons between countries and over time.

The IRS research bulletin.

Vols. for 1993 and 1994 and 1995/1996 issued in combined form.

The budget and economic outlook /

Mode of access: Internet.

The Economic and budget outlook /

Vols. for 1986-1990- have also title on cover, 1985- Annual report.