Le Sette Elezioni Federali Nella Germania Unita (1990-2013)

El artículo del profesor Mario Caciagli es un aporte pertinente al estudio de las instituciones electorales comparadas, tanto por el segmento temporal de su estudio —cuyo punto de partida es el hecho histórico de la caída del muro de Berlín, evento importante no solo para el mundo alemán, sino también para Occidente— como por la exposición sistemática de los diferentes frentes de valoración de la actividad partidista y del comportamiento de las agrupaciones políticas alemanas en los comicios ocurridos desde la unificación. Las referencias a los antecedentes inmediatos —esto es, la compleja recomposición de Alemania como país después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial— aparecen como complemento y soporte ineludible, pero en una discreta penumbra que no resta luz al período de análisis."-- Roballo Lozan, Julio

¿Eran cuidadanos los afrodescendientes libres en las sociedades esclavistas?: Cuba, Brasil y Estados Unidos en el siglo XIX (Estudios)

Se analiza el tema del estatus de los afrodescendientes libres en las sociedades esclavistas más pobladas de América, desde el punto de vista de los derechos políticos y sociales de súbditos y ciudadanos. Con la carta de libertad, los antiguos esclavos y sus descendientes libres adquirieron teóricamente los mismos derechos y obligaciones que la población blanca eurodescendiente. Sin embargo, por razones de “seguridad pública” y de “mantención del orden establecido”, en la práctica, se establecieron restricciones y privilegios para mantener la distancia social entre blancos y afrodescendientes. Desde una perspectiva comparada se estudian Brasil, Cuba y los Estados Unidos, las tres sociedades esclavistas más notorias en América durante el siglo XIX, y se examina este proceso tomando como objetos de análisis los derechos de libre movimiento, el acceso a la enseñanza superior, el sufragio y la propiedad.

Victorian local government and women's political participation in small towns.

Rural women were involved in the struggle for women's suffrage in Victoria but their entry into local government has been slower than in urban centres. This paper takes as its starting point Ken Dempsey's analysis of the hegemonic masculine structure of small Victorian towns in the 1980s and Amanda Sinclair's notion of the maternal feminist being the prototype of the rural woman councillor at that time. My study, which is based upon a qualitative interview study with 12 women councillors across rural Victoria during February 2004, reveals that women in small towns are now much more likely to challenge the notion of masculine hegemony by playing a more proactive role in community affairs in small towns. For them, local government service is a logical and practical way to help improve the quality of life in their constituencies. This is also because the traditional rural definition of local government with its main function to ensure adequate infrastructure provision for its ratepayers to maintain viable farming and other productive operations is changing. Furthermore, these women challenged the notion of the maternal feminist by embracing broader political agendas and operating with different representational styles than those associated with previous generation of women on local councils in small towns. On a theoretical level, the paper concludes by suggesting that while the notion of a 'critical mass' in terms of women's political participation is important, there is also a need to explore women's accounts of ‘critical acts’ in the everyday decision-making of local government.

150 years of democracy? The case of New South Wales

New South Wales has a rich history of parliamentary democracy. As the oldest of the Australian States, it has provided a microcosm of the evolution of modern British-style democracy from the ‘hustings’ of the early colonial to the harbour views of the contemporary politicians’ offices. New South Wales’ political history is also rich with experimentation. The early introduction of the secret ballot, payment for members, the abolition of plural voting, and adult suffrage are well known. Although it needs to be recognized that it followed slightly behind that ‘ Paradise of Dissent’ South Australia on all those features.

Equally fascinating is the role of the Labour Party, whose campaigning on behalf of adult suffrage and payment for Members is fairly well known. Less known, but of great interest, were its activities on behalf of electoral reform, political accountability and easier enrolment and voting, particularly for ‘ itinerants’ at a time when its political base was in the rural workforce. New South Wales Labour was significant for its decision to stand alone, in contrast with its Victorian and New Zealand counterparts, which threw in their lot with the Progressives.

The odd bod, the icon and the modest woman : the differences and similarities amongst three Australian women music teachers, performers and composers

Throughout Australia's history there have been many women who have been active in music education, performance and composition, despite the traditional family commitments which women have negotiated, overcoming prevailing negative attitudes to success outside the home. The period 1900 to 1950 in Australia saw significant changes in the social structure such as universal suffrage, Federation and World War 1. These changes broadened opportunities for some women to negotiate a life-time career in music. The researcher has identified three significant women who were able to forge careers in music during this time in music teaching, composition and performance. The women were Mona McBurney, Ruby Davy and Ruth Flockart. The selected women were all unique; McBurney was an outstanding composer for her time, being the first woman in Australia to compose an opera. Also, she was the first woman in Australia to gain her Bachelor of Music. Despite these successes, she had a reputation for her overwhelming modesty and shyness. Davy was significant because of her diversified ability as a teacher, performer, composer and elocutionist, and because she was the first woman in Australia to gain her Doctorate of Music. Davy has been described by several people as unusual, strange, and an 'odd bod'. Flockart was a music teacher at Methodist Ladies' College Melbourne for almost fifty years, half of those as the Director of Music. She was a significant figure in contemporary music education, particularly as a choral conductor, where she has been described as an 'icon'. This research looks at the differences and similarities amongst these three women in terms of family life, social position, education and support systems, and their ability to negotiate a career in music teaching, performance and composition.

The Edinburgh companion to the history of democracy

Democracy has never been more popular. It is successfully practiced today in a myriad of different ways by people across virtually every cultural, religious or socio-economic context. The 45 original essays collected in this companion suggest that the global popularity of democracy derives in part from its breadth and depth in the common history of human civilization. It sets a benchmark as the first collection on the history of democracy to present lesser known examples, such as those of ancient China, medieval Islam, colonial Africa or today's Burma, alongside more familiar cases like Athens, the English Parliament, the French Revolution and Women's Suffrage.

Undersdtanding where democracy comes from, and where its greatest successes and most dismal failures lie, is central to democracy's project of inventing ways to address the need of people everywhere to live in peace and freedom and with a say in the decisions that affect their lives.

The literary dawn: re-reading Louisa Lawson's poetry and politics

Scholarship on Louisa Lawson and the Dawn has necessarily often focussed on the important and wide-ranging achievements of her feminist work for women's legal, social and political rights. Indeed, as Audrey Oldfield notes, "Louisa Lawson was one of the most important figures in the New South Wales woman suffrage movement" (261). However, I want to focus here on the periodical publishing context of the Dawn as a means of pointing to further discussions of Lawson's significance as a poet. Megan Roughley has noted that the Dawn "was a forum for political causes, especially the movement for the emancipation and enfranchisement of women, and, as importantly to Louisa, the temperance movement" (ix), with influential articles appearing on a wide range of important issues including divorce reform. Yet, Lawson's construction of the Dawn was also highly literary from its first issue, with editorial choices and literary references reflecting her awareness of political and feminist literary culture. In addition to references such as the above quotation from Tennyson, Lawson included an epigraph from Joseph Addison's play Cato in the list of contents: "A day, an hour, in virtuous liberty, is worth a whole eternity in bondage." Citing Addison, a significant figure in the American Revolution, demonstrates Lawson's linking of radical class politics with feminism, as well as highlighting the importance of literary dialogues to Lawson's publishing work. Likewise, the concerns of Lawson's poetry are clearly situated within a continuing female tradition, and Lawson's poetry, when examined in the feminist literary context of the Dawn, reveals a radical and sophisticated poetics.

Democracy and capitalist revolution

Democracy became the preferred and consolidated form of government only in the twentieth century. It is not sufficient to explain this change solely by reference to rational motives, nor by detecting processes and leadership. A historical approach is required. The new historical fact that led to the change of preference from aristocratic rule to democracy is the capitalist revolution, which changed the manner of appropriating the economic surplus from violence to the market. This is the first necessary condition for democracy. The disappearance of the fear of expropriation, the rise of middle classes and the pressures of the poor or of the workers are the second, third and fourth new historical facts that opened the way for the transition from the liberal to the liberal-democratic regime. After these four conditions were fulfilled, the elites ceased to fear that they would be expropriated if universal suffrage was granted. Eventually, after the transition, the democratic regime became the rational choice for all classes. The theory presented here does not predict transitions, since countries often turn democratic without fully realized historical conditions, but it predicts democratic consolidation, since no country that has completed its capitalist revolution falls back into authoritarianism.

Nas sombras da família coelho: a dinâmica de uma dominação política

As one of the most important cities in the state of Pernambuco, Petrolina is settled in the Pernabucanian backwoods, a place that still holds its own traditions and manners. Petrolina s economy is mainly based on primary activities. It s politics is run by Family groups which preserve themselves and remain in power, using the clientelism, which could be said as a give and get practice. That means that the suffrage is a currency to exchange benefits. The present study analyses facts occurred in the political history of the Coelho s Family, which still dominates the local Politics. They persist as heirs of the old system of Coronelism that is maintaining their power structuring a political machine, which is able to make them unbeatable for over fifty years. Despite of a family internal division, it benefits all of them, directly or indirectly. Based on empirical observation, we set a brief historical of the Coelho s family facts, in order to demonstrate the range of their power through the ancestry, which is to say we ve described the local political labyrinths. Our metodological choices were driven by the comprehensive sociology, through the Weberian ideal types, in order to find the answers for the historical, social and political conformation of the facts, in consonance with the reality. According to that, we ve studied the Coelho s political trajectory from 1968 to 2012, considering the election periods. Commonplace: where a new generation becomes active subjects on a new apprenticeship, moral and intellectual. After all, they are all family heirs

Barbados: public-private sector partnership

Includes bibliography

Demochargia: Dilma Rousseff e seu primeiro ano de mandato pelas charges jornalísticas

Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC

Novos rumos, velhos hábitos: debates acerca do trabalhador rural na Assembléia Nacional Constituinte Portuguesa de 1911

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

As percepções dos jovens estudantes de Londrina/PR sobre política

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Ellen Evans Cathcart Papers - Accession 238 - M111 (143)

The Ellen Evans Cathcart Papers consist of biographical sketches of Mrs. Ellen Evans Cathcart (1869-1952), first woman member of the Democratic National Committee who was also instrumental in the founding of the Children’s Bureau. Also included in the collection are newspaper clippings, magazine articles, correspondence, reports, certificates, citations, and photographs relating to her work as supervisor of the Children’s Bureau of South Carolina and her involvement in the women’s suffrage movement. Of particular note is an annual report of the South Carolina Council of Defense which outlines the achievements of women of South Carolina in war work and a program book of the 47th annual convention of the National American Woman Suffrage Association.

Harriet P. Lynch Letters - Accession 16 - M2 (2)

The Harriet P. Lynch Letters consist of correspondence from Harriet P. Lynch to Mrs. Julian B. Salley discussing the equal pay for equal work controversy at Winthrop College (1915-1920) where certain women teachers resigned or were fired. Mrs. Salley and Mrs. Lynch served as president and vice-president respectively of the Equal Suffrage League.