942 resultados para Street party


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Newsletter for Economic Development

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Newsletter for Economic Development

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Non-medical use of prescription drugs (NMUPD) is increasing among the general population, particularly among teenagers and young adults. Although prescription drugs are considered safer than illicit street drugs, NMUPD can lead to detrimental consequences. The aim of the present study was to investigate the relationship between drug use (NMUPD on the one side, illicit street drugs on the other side) with mental health issues and then compare these associations. A representative sample of 5719 young Swiss men aged around 20 years filled in a questionnaire as part of the ongoing baseline Cohort Study on Substance Use Risk Factors (C-SURF). Drug use (16 illicit street drugs and 5 NMUPDs, including sleeping pills, sedatives, pain killers, antidepressants, stimulants) and mental health issues (depression, SF12) were assessed. Simple and multiple linear regressions were employed. In simple regressions, all illicit and prescription drugs were associated with poorer mental health. In multiple regressions, most of the NMUPDs, except for stimulants, were significantly associated with poorer mental health and with depression. On the contrary, the only associations that remained significant between illicit street drugs and mental health involved cannabis. NMUPD is of growing concern not only because of its increasing occurrence, but also because of its association with depression and mental health problems, which is stronger than the association observed between these problems and illicit street drug use, excepted for cannabis. Therefore, NMUPD must be considered in screening for substance use prevention purposes.

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Review of Alternative Distribution Methodologies for the Street Construction Fund of the Cities

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To what extent do social policy preferences explain party choice? This question has received little attention over the past years, because the bulk of the literature has argued that electoral choice is increasingly shaped by identity-based attitudes, rather than by preferences for economic-distributive social policies. We argue that in the wake of this debate, the significance of social policy preferences for electoral choice has been underestimated, because most contributions neglect social policy debates that are specific to post-industrial societies. In particular, they merely focus on income redistribution, while neglecting distributive conflicts around social investment. The Selects 2011 data allows investigating this crucial distinction for Switzerland. Our empirical analyses confirm that it is pivotal to take the pluridimensionality of distributive conflicts seriously: when looking at preferences for social investment rather than income redistribution, we find that social policy preferences are significant explanatory factors for the choice of the five major Swiss political parties.

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OBJECTIVES: Street-based sex workers (SSWs) in Lausanne, Switzerland, are poorly characterised. We set out to quantify potential vulnerability factors in this population and to examine SSW healthcare use and unmet healthcare requirements. METHODS: We conducted a cross-sectional questionnaire-based survey among SSWs working in Lausanne's red light district between 1 February and 31 July 2010, examining SSW socio-demographic characteristics and factors related to their healthcare. RESULTS: We interviewed 50 SSWs (76% of those approached). A fifth conducted their interviews in French, the official language in Lausanne. 48 participants (96%) were migrants, of whom 33/48 (69%) held no residence permit. 22/50 (44%) had been educated beyond obligatory schooling. 28/50 (56%) had no health insurance. 18/50 (36%) had been victims of physical violence. While 36/50 (72%) had seen a doctor during the preceding 12 months, only 15/50 (30%) were aware of a free clinic for individuals without health insurance. Those unaware of free services consulted emergency departments or doctors outside Switzerland. Gynaecology, primary healthcare and dental services were most often listed as needed. Two individuals (of 50, 4%) disclosed positive HIV status; of the others, 24/48 (50%) had never had an HIV test. CONCLUSIONS: This vulnerable population comprises SSWs who, whether through mobility, insufficient education or language barriers, are unaware of services they are entitled to. With half the participants reporting no HIV testing, there is a need to enhance awareness of available facilities as well as to increase provision and uptake of HIV testing.

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Main Street Iowa News

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Main Street Iowa information.

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News from the Iowa Downtown Resource Center and Main Street Iowa

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It is commonly found that young people tend to adopt the political party choice of their parents. However, far less is known about the applicability of this theory when investigating radical right support. Using the Swiss Household panel data (1999e2007), this study empirically identifies the relationship between parents' preference for the Swiss radical right party SVP and their attitudes toward immigrants and the EU, and their offspring's preference for the SVP. Disaggregating fathers' and mothers' influence reveals that in particular, mothers' SVP support plays a role in SVP support among young people, even after controlling for educational similarities. We also demonstrate that girls are more likely to be influenced by their mothers than are boys. Furthermore, parents' negative attitudes toward the EU exert a positive influence on their children's radical right voting, independent of their voting pattern.

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How do organizations cope with extreme uncertainty? The existing literature is divided on this issue: some argue that organizations deal best with uncertainty in the environment by reproducing it in the organization, whereas others contend that the orga nization should be protected from the environment. In this paper we study the case of a Wall Street investment bank that lost its entire office and trading technology in the terrorist attack of September 11 th. The traders survived, but were forced to relocate to a makeshift trading room in New Jersey. During the six months the traders spent outside New York City, they had to deal with fears and insecurities inside the company as well as outside it: anxiety about additional attacks, questions of professional identity, doubts about the future of the firm, and ambiguities about the future re-location of the trading room. The firm overcame these uncertainties by protecting the traders' identities and their ability to engage in sensemaking. The organization held together through a leadership style that managed ambiguities and created the conditions for new solutions to emerge.

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This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.

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Catholicism has built up a legalistic religion based on two pillars: salvation by works and 'auricular' confession of sins to a priest with judicial functions. Since the Reformation, many consider auricular confession inferior to less institutional and more individual conceptions of faith. This article analyzes how all these historical solutions trade off specialization advantages against exchange costs to produce moral enforcement. After showing the behavioral foundations of confession and the adaptiveness of its historical evolution, it tests hypotheses on its efficacy, exploitation and opportunity cost. Econometric evidence supports the efficacy but not the exploitative character of Catholic confession. It also explains its secular decline as a consequence of two factors. First, the rise in education, which makes moral self-enforcement less costly. Second, the productivity gap suffered by confession, given its necessarily interpersonal nature.