963 resultados para Sociologia política


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Esta tese fundamenta-se na descrição e interpretação das políticas e da gestão do ensino público desenvolvido em Porto Alegre durante os 16 anos (1989-2004) em que o PT- Partido dos Trabalhadores, através da Administração Popular, governou a cidade, tendo como problemática os avanços, os limites e as contribuições dessa experiência na produção de um “outro mundo possível”. O referencial teórico, fundamentado em autores do campo da política, sociologia, da educação e de teorias críticas de outros campos do conhecimento, como Karl Marx, Henri Lefebvre, Immanuel Wallerstein, Boaventura de Sousa Santos e Stephen Stoer, é apresentado nos 3 primeiros capítulos. O mesmo desloca-se do mais global e abstrato, da globalização econômica, política e social, inserindo nela a discussão dos conceitos Estado, de gestão (gerir, surfar e pilotar), de política (polity, politics e policy) e as reconfigurações dos sistemas de ensino (STOER, 2004) na transição paradigmática (SANTOS, 1999) e da crise do sistema-mundo (WALLERSTEIN, 2005), para o mais cotidiano (LEFEBVRE, 1973, 1991) das relações sociais e educativas na cidade. Chegando a este ponto, se verificou como estabeleceram as relações da gestora da educação em Porto Alegre (a Secretaria Municipal de Educação) no sistema municipal de ensino, em particular, na sua relação com as escolas e professores, no processo de implementação das políticas educativas durante os 16 anos em que o Partido dos Trabalhadores esteve à frente da Prefeitura Municipal da cidade. Na parte empírica do estudo, capítulos 4 ao 8, apresento e discuto o que o PT, em seus documentos nacionais, percebia e qualificava como educação no contexto de nosso país ao longo dos anos oitenta e noventa, como pano de fundo e paralelo ao desenvolvido em Porto Alegre através da SMED. Detalho manifestações de dirigentes da educação e do governo municipal, das atividades de cada gestão (1989-2004) e das Leis encaminhadas pelo Executivo e/ou vereadores como as que criaram o Conselho Municipal de Educação, os Conselhos Escolares, as Eleição de Diretores e o Sistema Municipal de Ensino. Apresento manifestações das escolas e dos professores e alunos, publicadas em âmbito acadêmico. Portanto, a partir do referencial teórico (dialético-histórico-espacial, HARVEY, 2004) que articulou o descritivo, o analítico-regressivo e o histórico-genético (LEFEBVRE, 1984), na descrição, sistematização e interpretação do material empírico (políticas, documentos, panfletos, programas do PT; mais Leis, relatórios de gestão, manifestações de dirigentes da SMED; teses, dissertações, pesquisas e artigos de pesquisadores da UFRGS), aponto os avanços, limites e contradições revelados na produção da democracia sem fim (SANTOS, 1998, 2005), desta experiência contra-hegemônica . Disto, a tese: forças políticas contra-hegemônicas ao sistema capitalista em que vivemos, ao ‘ocuparem espaços de poder’, podem avançar no desenvolvimento de políticas alternativas àquele, bem como na produção de novas relações sociais. Neste sentido, as escolas, professores, comunidades escolares e movimentos sociais podem se tornar sujeitos de suas próprias ações e obra educativa, na relação com o Estado/governo, ainda que o Estado e suas instituições estejam circunscritos a regras legais, normas e procedimentos e práticas sociais a grupos vinculados ao status quo e ao establishment. Isto depende da forma como as políticas, os conteúdos e as formas de implementação são geridas. Agindo assim, constrói-se um Estado como novíssimo movimento social (SANTOS, 1998, 2005), para o qual, a experiência de gestão da e na educação municipal de Porto Alegre, pelo PT e partidos de esquerda por 16 anos, aportaram contribuições significativas para a efetivação de um “outro mundo possível”, em alternativa ao que vivemos.

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Este relatório explora fontes primárias e análises secundárias na economia, na ciência política, e na sociologia para uma análise política da gestão monetária e financeira brasileira de 1930-1993. Fontes secundárias da economia financeira, da ciência política e da historiografia permitem distinguir quatro períodos diferentes em termos da relação entre o processo político e a gestão macroeconômica e financeira.

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Investigar como as controladorias gerais municipais vêm se estruturando dentro do sistema político subnacional e identificar as similaridades e diferenças entre tais organizações são os principais objetivos deste trabalho. Tais atividades tornam-se relevantes a partir da constatação de que, apesar de ser cada vez mais frequente a alteração do nome e da estrutura do órgão central dos sistemas de controle interno subnacionais para controladorias gerais, não há uma regulamentação específica que predetermine os padrões institucionais, as funcionalidades organizacionais ou os escopos de atuação desses órgãos públicos. Cumpriu-se essa tarefa por meio das seguintes ações: (i) realização de pesquisa bibliográfica a partir da produção acadêmica dos cursos de pós-graduação em Administração Pública e Contabilidade (com ênfase no estudo de controladorias) no último triênio da CAPES (2010-2012); (ii) catalogação e análise dos instrumentos legais de institucionalização dos órgãos de controle interno nas capitais brasileiras; (iii) execução de análise organizacional comparada nas estruturas das controladorias-gerais encontradas. As pesquisas feitas constataram que a produção acadêmica da área de Administração Pública sobre o tema ainda é incipiente; que uma maior integração do campo técnico com diferentes campos acadêmicos (Administração Pública, Contabilidade, Ciência Política, Direito e Sociologia) se faz necessária; que, para além do processo de disseminação da esfera federal para local, há diversas bases estruturantes que influenciam o padrão adotado pelas controladorias públicas municipais; e que, enfim, não se pode falar em consolidação de um único formato institucional de controladoria mas, sim, de práticas constituídas conforme as diferentes conjunturas locais.

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We had as the problem of analysis in this research: what are the assumptions, principles and general content that based the Sistema Nacional de Avaliação da Educação Superior (SINAES). We started from the hypothesis that the general content of SINAES is essentially based on the assumptions and principles of a control/regulatory perspective of evaluation and a summative epistemology, objectivist and quantitativist, constituted by members who prioritize testing and classification of courses and institutions based on market values. The overall goal was to make a political evaluation of SINAES and the specific objectives were: a) apply the concepts of politics evaluation and meta-evaluation, b) identify the role of international organizations in education reform in the 1990s and its impact on superior education in Brazil c) redeem the concept of evaluation, especially in the field of studies in education; and d) investigate the evaluation policies of Brazilian superior education leading to SINAES. As for the technical procedures for collecting and analyzing data, the research was made with bibliography and documents, considering that it was developed by bibliographic sources and official publications. It was developed by crossing sources: texts or documents remitted to others; it was also concentrated: on the role of international organizations in educational and State reforms (in the 1990s); on the policies of evaluation of the Brazilian superior education (1980s and 1990s); on the proposal of the Comissão Especial de Avaliação (CEA); on the Law No. 10.861/2004; on the documents of CONAES; on the Decree No. 5.773/2006, and the MEC Regulatory Ordinances No. 4/2008 and No. 12/2008. It did not stop in the so called purely technical aspects, but in the ideological field itself. The research found that international organizations, notably the World Bank, played a political, intellectual and financial role determinant to the field of education, a fact that reflects in the legal framework. It was also found that the politics of evaluation of the superior education is historically marked by conflict, represented by two distinct perspectives of different natures and emphases. On one hand, the focus is on control / regulation, favoring efficiency, productivity and competitiveness benchmarking and prioritizing the punctual performance and measurement. On the other, it seeks to transform academic perspective in primarily formative / emancipatory, in order to support more institutional improvement. It was concluded that the CEA presented a conception evaluation predominantly formative and emancipatory, which emphasized the idea of system, centered around the institution and repudiated the rankings practices. In the post-formulation period, however, some of its principles were fragmenting and, gradually, the institution was giving way to the courses and the Exame Nacional de Desempenho de Estudantes (ENADE) grew in prominence. With the creation of the Conceito Preliminar de Cursos superiores (CPC) and of the Índice Geral de Cursos da Instituição de Educação Superior (IGC), it was redemeed the practice of evaluation as measurement and control, under the principles of efficiency and productivity. So, SINAES that seemed like a progressive evaluation method has assumed a setting that close resembles the Exame Nacional de Cursos (ENC-Provão). Nevertheless, the survival of institutional formative evaluation, in the superior education evaluation policies, still an issue in dispute

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This study approaches the topic of humanization in health that involves the set of policies implemented by the Ministry of Health in Brazil. Its aims are directed towards a reflection on the guiding theoretical and organizing axes of the National Humanization Policy (NHP) and their repercussions on municipal health policy of Natal, Brazil; an analysis of the results of the policy at the local level; knowledge of the views and experiences of the humanization agents in the daily work process and identification of the main challenges of the policy. The empirical field of investigation was the Family Health Strategy (FHS) of the city of Natal. The assumption of the study is that the FHS has produced local experiences with potentialities that must not be wasted, in which there are difficulties and discrepancies between the real and proposed model. The contradictions and challenges in the social and political context of Brazil in the early XXI century and their consequences in the field of health reflect anti-utilitarian aspects anchored strongly in the theoretical concepts of Boaventura de Sousa Santos about the sociology of privations and emergencies as well as of the work of translating. The predominantly qualitative approach collects some complementary quantitative data. The study procedures used were the following: bibliographic research; documental research; interviews; and direct observation. Interpretation of the information obtained was based on documental analysis and on the symbolic cartography of the social representations. Cartographic evidence suggests that practices still take place under dehumanizing conditions that compromise the quality of care given. However, there is a movement aimed at changing the work process that has been strengthening the link and widening the measures developed, incorporating new directions in diversity, integrality and solidarity. The map drawn shows a reality manifested by explicit intentions in a political agenda, by concrete solutions marked by an assortment of difficulties and expressed in the words of the agents and by latent clues identified in successful local experiences, posing many challenges for the consolidation of the proposed changes

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The present study aims at making a theoretically reflection about the reconstruction process of democracy that can be observed in the country since the opening political process, which took place with the Geisel´s government in 1974, passing through the first civil president, in 1985, the Constitution process, in 1986, and finally the Constitution promulgation in 1988. It interests to this study analyses the premise that the 1988 Constitution inaugurates the moment in which democracy starts to be reconstructed in the country, and that this reconstruction is made in such a brand new way, once it included the possibility of participation of the civil society in the deliberation of the public politics, what became possible with the creation of new spaces of a gestion shared by the three executive powers: federal; states; municipalities, and with the civil society, in the councils created in those spheres. In this way, this work wishes to focus the opening process to the civil society participation, wich became possible with the creation of the city councils of public politics. It´s about investigating the form in wich the relations set up in these hibrid spaces could be considered democratic, inclusive and promoters of effective participation, checking up tendencies, giving emphasis to regularities and some specifities encountered in the forms of participation, which have been observed in those councils. In order to comprehend the democratic process in construction in the country, the analysis of the relations established by the civil society and the local executive power in the obligatory municipal councils is taken as object of study, passing by the tensions wich evolves institutions and political practices, permeated by the local political culture. It starts from a briefly review of works already made on the subject

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It discusses the Health Care of the Elderly in the town of Mossoró, traversing the paths that discussed the history of health care, which has been altered by the new (con) formation and required adjustments of society which led the development and implementation of the National Health Care for the Elderly with the backdrop of the guiding principles of the Health System - SUS. The goals outlined were: To map the implementation of the policy of health care for the elderly in Mossoró considering whether this is based on the principles and guidelines of the NHS and National Health Policy of the Elderly; Check if health promotion is seen as a strategy that favors the elderly mossoroenses the possibility of healthy aging; identify the discourse of the elderly about the aging process and the strategies you use to take care of your needs. Applies as a methodological strategy BOAS, complemented by interviews with twenty (20) elderly residents of Mossoró with a view to understand the objective elements, and the political and subjective traits that express a regularity which marks the area of health care mossoroense elderly. The data were tabulated and the BOAS divided into nine sections for analysis. The speeches were transcribed seized and subjected to a thorough reading that allowed the visualization of issues that have been examined with theoretical and methodological support to the model proposed by Boaventura de Souza Santos (2006) designated this cosmopolitan reason being supported by three meta-sociological procedures, namely, the sociology of absences, the sociology of translation work and emergencies. It appears as a result the exclusion and discrimination of the elderly in different social settings, a condition that prevents them from being aware of their importance as citizens deserving of decent treatment and respect for the family, society and the government, when addressing health the elderly said the need to propose alternative models of care that has the paradigm of health promotion. We conclude that in these areas, meetings are held, to draw lines that were heterogeneous because they were built by the dissimilarities that engender incessantly and show that although we have advanced regarding the attention of the elderly in Mossoró there is still a long way to go in order to meet the needs revealed by the elderly. It is suggested that the practice of trial-creation-differentiation, while highlighting the historical and procedural dimension, deconstructions and negotiations with collective effects. A democratic paradigm and analytical creeps: the constitution are moments of Health Care for the Elderly shaping a new landscape in the town of Mossoró.

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As one of the most important cities in the state of Pernambuco, Petrolina is settled in the Pernabucanian backwoods, a place that still holds its own traditions and manners. Petrolina s economy is mainly based on primary activities. It s politics is run by Family groups which preserve themselves and remain in power, using the clientelism, which could be said as a give and get practice. That means that the suffrage is a currency to exchange benefits. The present study analyses facts occurred in the political history of the Coelho s Family, which still dominates the local Politics. They persist as heirs of the old system of Coronelism that is maintaining their power structuring a political machine, which is able to make them unbeatable for over fifty years. Despite of a family internal division, it benefits all of them, directly or indirectly. Based on empirical observation, we set a brief historical of the Coelho s family facts, in order to demonstrate the range of their power through the ancestry, which is to say we ve described the local political labyrinths. Our metodological choices were driven by the comprehensive sociology, through the Weberian ideal types, in order to find the answers for the historical, social and political conformation of the facts, in consonance with the reality. According to that, we ve studied the Coelho s political trajectory from 1968 to 2012, considering the election periods. Commonplace: where a new generation becomes active subjects on a new apprenticeship, moral and intellectual. After all, they are all family heirs

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L'objectif de cet article est de montrer l'existence de traces historiques permettant de lier les concepts de libre-échange et protectionnisme, tous les deux employés dans la politique de commerce extérieur des Etats-Unis. Parallèlement, on cherche à souligner l'importance de la législation et des principes formulés dans ce pays et leur rôle explicatif concernant les motivations de la structure du commerce international après 1945. Ce rôle a en effet contribué à qu'on puisse mieux comprendre les tournées de négociations du GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) jusqu'à la création de l'OMC (Organisation Mondiale du Commerce), en 1995. on traite également des raisons pour lesquelles le commerce international aux Etats-Unis est non seulement une question d'Etat mais encore une question de la société.

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Durante o governo FHC buscou-se substituir a agenda reativa da política externa brasileira, dominada pela lógica da autonomia pela distância, por uma nova agenda internacional proativa, determinada pela lógica da autonomia pela integração. Segundo essa agenda, o país deveria ampliar o poder de controle sobre o seu destino e resolver seus problemas com uma adesão ativa à elaboração das normas e das pautas de conduta da gestão da ordem mundial. No entanto, essa política de integração, adesão e participação não foi plenamente acompanhada de tomadas de posições que implicassem responsabilidades práticas, em virtude de debilidades estruturais. As responsabilidades teriam como função preparar tanto o governo como a sociedade civil para uma inserção internacional de perfil mais elevado no pós-Guerra Fria. Os ganhos ocorridos nos governos FHC não foram suficientes para alterar significativamente o peso brasileiro no contexto mundial.

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Este artigo discute a trajetória intelectual e política de Paulo Egídio. Autor praticamente esquecido pelos trabalhos que reconstituem a história do pensamento social no Brasil, Paulo Egídio foi um importante divulgador da sociologia entre o final do século XIX e o início do século XX em São Paulo, tendo produzido uma obra pioneira sobre Durkheim e desenvolvido cursos livres da disciplina. O artigo busca também apresentar alguns aspectos de sua atividade política como senador nos primeiros momentos da República, quando teve destacada participação no debate sobre a criação de uma rede de instituições de controle social e, em particular, sobre a construção de uma nova penitenciária para o estado de São Paulo.

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It starts with the understanding that the relationship between society / nature is largely problematic in a context of socio-environmental crisis. In this context, we use the principle of hope to plan and work out new ways of understanding social reality, the relationship between science and alternative knowledge. The research is to investigate how the actors influence the social construction of urban environmental policy of the city of Mossoró / RN with reference to the processes of implementing the Master Plan and Agenda 21 of the municipality. The hypothesis of this research is that the Environmental Policy in Mossley has a normative character that is expressed primarily in the creation of an institutional political framework to manage environmental issues involving so incidental and or functional society participation mossoroense. Thus questioned who are the actors that build environmental policy Mossoró / RN. The specific objectives of this research are: Identify the environmental dimension of the Master Plan Agenda 21 articulated Mossoró / RN mapping information from the managers, engineers and members of the Municipal Environment and Municipal Council of Cities on the operation of urban environmental policy mossoroense and how it is performed by the Manager of Environmental Management in conjunction with the Department of Environment and Territorial Development (SEDETMA) and Executive Management of Urban Development. As a methodology, we used the method of the sociology of absences and emergencies in conjunction with the ecology of knowledge and productivity. It is a qualitative research and documentary, which was used as the Master Plan documents Mossoró / RN, minutes of meetings of boards and complementarity were carried out 12 semi-structured interviews with managers and directors of the Urban Environmental Policy of the Municipality of Mossoró / RN. They used also the social analytical or thematic maps for the translation of the dialogue among social partners, managers and directors who make the Environmental Policy Council. We conclude that these dialogues and experiences point to the construction of an environmental policy more participatory and effective, committed to individual and collective transformation of society mossoroense

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L'article examine le rapport entre les régimes politiques domestiques et l'intégration régionale. L'argument central montre que la thèse selon laquelle une convergence politique plus profonde avec les autres régimes de gauche de la région favoriserait encore plus l'intégration sud-américaine recèle un paradoxe qui n'a pas encore été traité dans les débats. Bien qu'il soit acceptable l'idée qui préconise que des gouvernements de gauche ont tendance à donner leur appui politique au régionalisme sud-américain, il est tout aussi vrai l'idée selon laquelle les régimes présidentiels de gauche sont moins favorables à la transnationalisation des normes et à la cession de souveraineté aux instances transnationales. L'article présente brièvement la révision de la littérature à propos de la relation entre politique interne (régimes politiques et des partis) et production de la politique externe et, au long de ce débat, il analyse le thème des accords commerciaux dans les élections sud-américaines, y compris le cas brésilien.

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This short article, a political chronicle, examines the meanings and political and ideological effects of a Internet petition that was created in February of 2009. Repúdio e Solidariedade (Repudiation and Solidarity) questioned the use of the term ditabranda [a conjunction of two terms, ditadura and branda - or soft dictatorship] disseminated by the São Paulo news daily Folha de S. Paulo to refer to the Brazilian military dictatorship, and manifested solidarity with two University of São Paulo (USP) professors and intellectuals known for their action in defense of human rights in Brazil. Obtaining over eight thousand signatures in a period of less than six weeks, the petition may be considered (as the extensive comments which it includes testify to) a relevant document in the struggle for the right to truth and justice regarding what really happened during the period of the Brazilian military regime (1964-1985). Perhaps its most relevant symbolic role is that of staking claims within an ideological struggle over the memory of 1964. In the center of these claims sits a banner with the old motto No pasarán. In other words, democratic and progressive sectors of Brazilian society that supported Repúdio e Solidariedade made it clear that they were not going to quietly accept falsified views of history that are an insult to the memory of those who struggled, were tortured and died in the struggle to redemocratize the country.