793 resultados para Social justice.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"Several of the closing chapters have appeared in the Bibliotheca sacra." - Pref.
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Edgardo Antonio Vigo fue un artista plástico que utilizó distintas técnicas y formas de expresión, como la poesía visual, las performances urbanas, el arte correo, la escritura de manifiestos y otros textos, así como la edición de revistas, entre otras actividades. Vigo produjo su poética en clave de rebeldía de su tiempo, especialmente entre los '60 y '70, pero su rebelión transcurrió también por fuera del estereotipo más consolidado para la época. La obra de Vigo retoma algunos procedimientos de las vanguardias, como la utilización del objeto ya hecho, el uso de espacios alternativos de producción y difusión de sus obras, el abandono casi completo del formato de cuadro, entre otros. Interesa pensar en este trabajo de qué modo esta apropiación de técnicas y procedimientos previos, se combina con otra ruptura dirigida no sólo al sistema artístico, sino también al orden social. En este sentido, la obra de Vigo piensa su tiempo. ;Así como tematizó ciertos acontecimientos de relevancia política de los ámbitos nacional e internacional, también realizó una operación novedosa en su obra: la utilización del discurso judicial-administrativo. Se analizan en este trabajo algunos de sus usos en acciones artísticas. Concluimos en que se trató de una materia que incorporaría en su poética para desnaturalizarla de su lugar original, aristocrático y privatista. En este sentido, toma un aspecto no menor del funcionamiento del orden social disociándolo de su lugar normal y, al ofrecerlo a todos a través de acciones artísticas, permite una apropiación descentrada, fuera de los límites impuestos por su naturaleza
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Eugenics is a difficult matter for discussion because, even as a term, it has fallen into disrepute. Yet a eugenic mindset pervades the discourses of reproduction and genetics in the West. I utilise the futures scenario of gene therapy to explore conceptually how the intersecting trajectories of science and religion make a new eugenics possible. The problematic of an inherent elitism within these sources, combined with a quest for power, leads me to renew the call for an adequate moral space within which to explore the requirements of social justice.
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No presente estudo sobre o tema Conceito de Conversão e Justiça Social no pensamento de José Comblin , procurei desenvolver o conceito do tema proposto. Esta dissertação desenvolvida no Programa da Pós-Graduação em Ciências da Religião pertence à linha de pesquisa Religião, Sociedade e Cultura . A metodologia adotada na coleta de dados foi de uma pesquisa bibliográfica. O questionamento que norteou a pesquisa foi: qual o conceito de conversão e justiça social no pensamento de José Comblin? Com as respostas obtidas foi possível desenvolver o primeiro capítulo com a biografia de José Julles Comblin juntamente com as pessoas que de alguma forma inspiraram e influenciaram sua carreira no Brasil e na América Latina. No segundo capítulo foi apresentado o conceito de Conversão para Comblin chegando a uma conclusão que a conversão é para o Reino de Deus e não para qualquer instituição religiosa. Já no terceiro capítulo foi apresentado o conceito de Justiça Social chegando a uma conclusão que justiça social acontece quando a sociedade se converte ao pobre com amor prático e não somente de palavras.
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O presente estudo exegético tem por objetivo demonstrar a crítica social de Jeremias contra o rei Jeoaquim, tendo como fonte principal a crítica social de Jr 22,13-19. Para tal, partiremos da análise do contexto literário, histórico e religioso da crítica social de Jeremias, para então fazer a análise exegética do texto proposto, através da qual enfocaremos, dentre os diversos conteúdos, a justiça social inserida na perícope. Compreendendo que um texto surge dentro de um ambiente social, evidenciaremos, com base na crítica social, as práticas violentas do rei Jeoaquim em seu reinado, contra os trabalhadores injustiçados, o pobre e o necessitado na sociedade de Judá. Por fim, demonstrando as questões históricas do profeta Jeremias em sua vivencia internacional em meio aos impérios existentes, e o sistema opressor do rei Jeoaquim, contra os menos favorecidos da sociedade de Judá.
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This study is about the role and operation of ‘third sector’ organisations (TSOs) within the Taiwanese social welfare context. TSOs have increased dramatically and become actively involved in social service provision. This phenomenon has not only had significant impact on the development and operation of TSOs in Taiwan but it is also of increasing interest to public policy academics. The latter are especially interested in the implications for the government-third sector relationship. This research examines the reasons why TSOs have been established, why they actively participate in social service provision, and their role and operation within the social welfare context of Taiwan. The study has both quantitative and qualitative data. It sampled ‘social service’ and ‘charitable’ organisations (SSCOs), which are the main type of TSOs in Taiwan, to examine their role, operation and interaction with government. Questionnaires were mailed to collect quantitative data first. After the quantitative data were collected and analysed, semi-structured interviews were undertaken to collect qualitative data. The study found that TSOs in Taiwan exist in a highly institutionalised environment, which is affected by traditional Confucian ideas and contemporary Western ideas such as social justice and civil rights. The rapid growth of TSOs has a strong connection with the desire to fill social service gaps left by government and family. TSOs mainly play the role of service provider rather than that of advocate. They cooperate with government in social service provision and have developed different types of symbiotic relationships with government. A ‘resonance effect’ between government and TSOs was also found as they implement social policy.
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The purpose of this research project was to investigate two distinct types of research questions – one theoretical, the other empirical: (1) What would justice mean in the context of the international trade regime? (2.Using the small developing states of the Commonwealth Caribbean as a case study, what do Commonwealth Caribbean trade negotiators mean when they appeal to justice? Regarding the first question, Iris Young's framework which focuses on the achievement of social justice in a domestic context by acknowledging social differences such as those based on race and gender, was adopted and its relevance argued in the international context of interstate trade negotiation so as to validate the notion of (size, location, and governance capacity) difference in this latter context. The point of departure is that while states are typically treated as equals in international law – as are individuals in liberal political theory – there are significant differences between states which warrant different treatment in the international arena. The study found that this re-formulation of justice which takes account of such differences between states, allows for more adequate policy responses than those offered by the presumption of equal treatment. Regarding the second question, this theoretical perspective was used to analyze the understandings of justice from which Commonwealth Caribbean trade negotiators proceed. Interpretive and ethnographic methods, including participant observation, interviews, field notes, and textual analysis, were employed to analyze their understandings of justice. The study found that these negotiators perceive such justice as being justice to difference because of the distinct characteristics of small developing states which combine to constrain their participation in the international trading system; based on this perception, they seek rules and outcomes in the multilateral trade regime which are sensitive to such different characteristics; and while these issues were examined in a specific region, its findings are relevant for other regions consisting of small developing states, such as those in the ACP group.
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Analiza las políticas sanitarias del gobierno de Domingo Alfredo Mercante (1946-1952) -mano derecha de Juan Domingo Perón- en la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina, atendiendo a lo que fue una de sus más instigantes líneas de intervención: la erradicación de la hidatidosis. Visibilizando un problema largamente olvidado por la historiografía, especificaremos de qué modo el gobierno mercantiano colocó a la hidatidosis en la agenda estatal a través de una legitimación estadística, socioeconómica y simbólica. Luego, especificaremos las estrategias de esta gestión: sanción de leyes regulatorias contra la endemia, creación de instituciones específicas antihidatídicas estatales, generación de espacios de información y educación interdisciplinaria, interministerial y hasta supranacionales con el fin de alcanzar el mayor conocimiento sobre la enfermedad e intercambiar experiencias que enriquecieran su propia práctica y, finalmente, la definición de acciones enfocadas en el relevo, tratamiento y profilaxis de animales y personas
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Analiza las políticas sanitarias del gobierno de Domingo Alfredo Mercante (1946-1952) -mano derecha de Juan Domingo Perón- en la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina, atendiendo a lo que fue una de sus más instigantes líneas de intervención: la erradicación de la hidatidosis. Visibilizando un problema largamente olvidado por la historiografía, especificaremos de qué modo el gobierno mercantiano colocó a la hidatidosis en la agenda estatal a través de una legitimación estadística, socioeconómica y simbólica. Luego, especificaremos las estrategias de esta gestión: sanción de leyes regulatorias contra la endemia, creación de instituciones específicas antihidatídicas estatales, generación de espacios de información y educación interdisciplinaria, interministerial y hasta supranacionales con el fin de alcanzar el mayor conocimiento sobre la enfermedad e intercambiar experiencias que enriquecieran su propia práctica y, finalmente, la definición de acciones enfocadas en el relevo, tratamiento y profilaxis de animales y personas
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Analiza las políticas sanitarias del gobierno de Domingo Alfredo Mercante (1946-1952) -mano derecha de Juan Domingo Perón- en la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina, atendiendo a lo que fue una de sus más instigantes líneas de intervención: la erradicación de la hidatidosis. Visibilizando un problema largamente olvidado por la historiografía, especificaremos de qué modo el gobierno mercantiano colocó a la hidatidosis en la agenda estatal a través de una legitimación estadística, socioeconómica y simbólica. Luego, especificaremos las estrategias de esta gestión: sanción de leyes regulatorias contra la endemia, creación de instituciones específicas antihidatídicas estatales, generación de espacios de información y educación interdisciplinaria, interministerial y hasta supranacionales con el fin de alcanzar el mayor conocimiento sobre la enfermedad e intercambiar experiencias que enriquecieran su propia práctica y, finalmente, la definición de acciones enfocadas en el relevo, tratamiento y profilaxis de animales y personas
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Com a crise financeira que se tem vindo a agudizar, com o agravamento da pobreza e exclusão social, associados a problemas de saúde e à emergência de problemas sociais (como o desemprego e a pobreza) tem assomado uma vaga de iniciativas de movimentos da sociedade civil. São novas formas de organização e resposta a situações específicas de grupos de indivíduos na luta por políticas públicas e direitos sociais tais como o da saúde, da habitação, da educação, do trabalho, entre outras. Nos finais da década de 70, em Portugal, a criação do Serviço Nacional de Saúde intenta o acesso à saúde garantido a todos os cidadãos. Nos anos 80 o Estado limita este direito baseado no princípio da justiça social protegendo os grupos mais desfavorecidos. Institui as taxas moderadoras e define as isenções para alguns doentes crónicos. Perante a desigualdade de direitos que daí advém, no Hospital Pediátrico de Coimbra, a partir dos anos 90, surgem movimentos associativos em prol dos direitos de saúde, criados e dinamizados por Assistentes Sociais, nomeadamente as Associações Acreditar em 1993, a Coração Feliz em 1994, a Associação Nacional de Fibrose Quística em 1996 e já no século XXI a Diabéticos Todo o Terreno em 2004 e a Hepaturix em 2006. A Hepaturix – Associação de Crianças e Jovens Transplantados ou com Doenças Hepáticas – fundada já no século XXI e cuja actividade será descrita neste trabalho, tem vindo a lutar pelos direitos sociais desta população, com a colaboração da Assistente Social que, no Hospital Pediátrico de Coimbra, apoia a Unidade de Transplantação Hepática Pediátrica. Entre outros, a isenção das taxas moderadoras para os doentes transplantados e para os dadores vivos assim como o direito aos transportes nas deslocações para o hospital após o transplante, são direitos sociais alcançados pela Hepaturix através da sensibilização do poder político. A Assistente Social tem sido um pilar neste percurso, sendo mediadora entre a instituição e a associação, em prol do direito destas crianças e jovens. / With the financial crisis that has been worsening, with increased poverty and social exclusion associated with health problems and the emergency of social problems (such as unemployment and poverty) there has been a loomed wave of initiatives for movements from the civil society. These are new ways of organization and response to specific situations of groups of individuals in the strike for public policies and social rights such as health, habitation, education, work, among others. In the late 70s, in Portugal, the creation of the National Health Service intents the access to health care guaranteed to all citizens. In the 80s the government limits this right based on the principle of social justice, protecting the most disadvantaged groups. Establishes user fees and defines the exemptions for some chronically ill. Before the inequality of rights resulted from this, there has been a rising of associative movements for health rights, created and dynamized by Social Workers at the Pediatric Hospital of Coimbra, from the 90s on: "Acreditar" in 1993, "Coração Feliz" in 1994, Associação Nacional da Fibrose Quistica" in 1996 and now, in the XXI century: "Diabéticos Todo o Terreno"in 2004 and "Hepaturix" in 2006. The “Hepaturix” - Association of Transplanted Children and Youth or with Hepatic Diseases - founded in the twenty-first century, whose will be discussed in this work, has been fighting for social rights of this population, with the cooperation of the Social Work who, at the Children’s Hospital of Coimbra, supports the Pediatric Hepatic Transplantation Unit. Among others, the exemption of user fees for transplanted patients and living donors as well as the right to transport at dislocations to the hospital after transplant, are social rights accomplished by Hepaturix, through the awareness of political power. The Social Worker has been a pillar in this journey, being a mediator between the institution and the association on behalf of the rights of these children and youth.
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Humanity has emerged as a major force in the operation of the biosphere. The focus is shifting from the environment as externality to the biosphere as precondition for social justice, economic development, and sustainability. In this article, we exemplify the intertwined nature of social-ecological systems and emphasize that they operate within, and as embedded parts of the biosphere and as such coevolve with and depend on it. We regard social-ecological systems as complex adaptive systems and use a social-ecological resilience approach as a lens to address and understand their dynamics. We raise the challenge of stewardship of development in concert with the biosphere for people in diverse contexts and places as critical for long-term sustainability and dignity in human relations. Biosphere stewardship is essential, in the globalized world of interactions with the Earth system, to sustain and enhance our life-supporting environment for human well-being and future human development on Earth, hence, the need to reconnect development to the biosphere foundation and the need for a biosphere-based sustainability science.
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Since the neoliberal reforms to British education in the 1980s, education debates have been saturated with claims to the efficacy of the market as a mechanism for improving the content and delivery of state education. In recent decades with the expansion and ‘massification’ of higher education, widening participation (WP) has acquired an increasingly important role in redressing the under-representation of certain social groups in universities. Taken together, these trends neatly capture the twin goals of New Labour’s programme for education reform: economic competitiveness and social justice. But how do WP professionals negotiate competing demands of social equity and economic incentive? In this paper we explore how the hegemony of neoliberal discourse – of which the student as consumer is possibly the most pervasive – can be usefully disentangled from socially progressive, professional discourses exemplified through the speech and actions of WP practitioners and managers working in British higher education institutions.