[ 3 ginān books

Pīr Ǵulām ʻAlī Shāh ... [et al.]].

Elam sār sañgrah rāg mālā

Selection from major grañths intended for students undergoing instruction in their melodies.

[ Grañth]

Unidentified and incomplete grañth: text begins with part 10 and terminates with part 145 ; each part, individually titled, consists of 13 rythming couplets and a dohā.

100:ginānjī:ćopaḍī:cālû:ginān:āgal:na:ćhapāela:bhāg:trījo

Pīr Imām Shāh ... [et al.].

Phañdhīāt:zavāmardhī

Covers missing, pages in fair condition. Copy imperfect: all after p. 168 missing.

De Gaulle and Europe: Historical Revision and Social Science Theory. Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series 8.5

The thousands of books and articles on Charles de Gaulle's policy toward European integration, whether written by historians, social scientists, or commentators, universally accord primary explanatory importance to the General's distinctive geopolitical ideology. In explaining his motivations, only secondary significance, if any at all, is attached to commercial considerations. This paper seeks to reverse this historiographical consensus by examining the four major decisions toward European integration during de Gaulle's presidency: the decisions to remain in the Common Market in 1958, to propose the Foucher Plan in the early 1960s, to veto British accession to the EC, and to provoke the "empty chair" crisis in 1965-1966, resulting in the "Luxembourg Compromise." In each case, the overwhelming bulk of the primary evidence-speeches, memoirs, or government documents-suggests that de Gaulle's primary motivation was economic, not geopolitical or ideological. Like his predecessors and successors, de Gaulle sought to promote French industry and agriculture by establishing protected markets for their export products. This empirical finding has three broader implications: (1) For those interesred in the European Union, it suggests that regional integration has been driven primarily by economic, not geopolitical considerations--even in the "least likely" case. (2) For those interested in the role of ideas in foreign policy, it suggests that strong interest groups in a democracy limit the impact of a leader's geopolitical ideology--even where the executive has very broad institutional autonomy. De Gaulle was a democratic statesman first and an ideological visionary second. (3) For those who employ qualitative case-study methods, it suggests that even a broad, representative sample of secondary sources does not create a firm basis for causal inference. For political scientists, as for historians, there is in many cases no reliable alternative to primary-source research.

De Gaulle and Europe: Historical Revision and Social Science Theory. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 08.5, 1998

The thousands of books and articles on Charles de Gaulle's policy toward European integration, whether written by historians, political scientists, or commentators, universally accord primary explanatory importance to the General's distinctive geopolitical ideology. In explaining his motivations, only secondary significance, if any at all, is attached to commercial considerations. This paper seeks to reverse this historiographical consensus by the four major decisions toward European integration taken under de Gaulle's Presidency: the decisions to remain in the Common Market in 1958, to propose the Fouchet Plan in the early 1960s, to veto British accession to the EC, and to provoke the "empty chair" crisis in 1965-1966, resulting in Luxembourg Compromise. In each case, the overwhelming bulk of the primary evidence speeches, memoirs, or government documents suggests that de Gaulle's primary motivation was economic, not geopolitical or ideological. Like his predecessors and successors, de Gaulle sought to promote French industry and agriculture by establishing protected markets for their export products. This empirical finding has three broader implications: (1) For those interested in the European Union, it suggests that regional integration has been driven primarily by economic, not geopolitical considerations even in the least likely case. (2) For those interested in the role of ideas in foreign policy, it suggests that strong interest groups in a democracy limit the impact of a leaders geopolitical ideology even where the executive has very broad institutional autonomy. De Gaulle was a democratic statesman first and an ideological visionary second. (3) For those who employ qualitative case-study methods, it suggests that even a broad, representative sample of secondary sources does not create a firm basis for causal inference. For political scientists, as for historians, there is in many cases no reliable alternative to primary source research.

Official map publications; a historical sketch, and a bibliographical handbook of current maps and mapping services in the United States, Canada, Latin America, France, Great Britain, Germany, and certain other countries,

"Classification, cataloging, and care of maps": p. 282-295; "Tentative map classification outline by subject": p. 297-308; "Map classification outline by areas": p. 309-311.

Traffic analysis by geography and subject.

Mode of access: Internet.

Operator's manual : countermeasures set, special purpose, AN/MLQ-34.

Includes index ([v. 1]).

PARCERIA ENTRE UNIVERSIDADE E ENTIDADES EMPRESARIAIS NO GRANDE ABC PAULISTA: A INTEGRAÇÃO ENSINO-PESQUISA E A PRÁTICA EMPRESARIAL

O Brasil situa-se, no início da década de 2010, dentro de um sistema econômico mundial que apresenta características de ampla globalização dos mercados e alta competitividade das organizações que compõe esse sistema, e que sinalizam a necessidade de profissionais que sejam agentes de mudança nesses contextos dinâmicos e repletos de desafios. Na maioria dos países, a maturidade do sistema de inovação está ligada ao investimento em Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento (P&D) e ao volume de geração de Propriedade Intelectual (PI). O Brasil, apesar de apresentar um Produto Interno Bruto (PIB) concentrado nos setores de agropecuária e de serviços, revela um nível de inovação gerado pelo setor produtivo e o seu consequente investimento em P&D muito baixos em comparação com a evolução desse mesmo PIB, denotando com isso que as empresas buscam, em seus países de origem, soluções já desenvolvidas e patenteadas para seu desenvolvimento ou procuram transferir a responsabilidade de produzir registros e patentes de inovações à academia. A integração da cultura acadêmica com a cultura empresarial é capaz de gerar benefícios mútuos, melhorando a competitividade do país; em outras palavras, é uma maneira de transformar o conhecimento em riqueza. Este trabalho relacionando os conceitos ensino-pesquisa e prática empresarial pretende estudar, sob o enfoque da realidade apresentada pelos Planos Estratégicos Regionais (PER) da Região do Grande ABC Paulista e das diretrizes do Plano Nacional de Pós-Graduação 2011-2020 (PNPG 2011-2020), o processo de integração do conhecimento científico existente entre as Entidades Empresariais (E-E) e as Universidades dessa mesma região. Através da metodologia de pesquisa de estudo de caso, analisaram-se as estratégias propostas pelas universidades e a prática do setor empresarial e as possíveis barreiras apontadas como restrições às interações entre eles. Nosso estudo enfocou a análise da relação entre esses dois atores e apontou as principais barreiras para a otimização dessa parceria, tais como o acesso a recursos, o aumento da competitividade via aumento da credibilidade na relação Universidade Empresa (U-E), o reconhecimento das realidades regionais e o latente descompasso entre o pensamento acadêmico e a realidade empresarial. Além disso, constatou-se a necessidade de uma mais ampla discussão, disseminação e implementação dos documentos setoriais, regionais e nacionais que regulam, esclarecem e fornecem bases estratégicas para o desenvolvimento da relação U-E, como forma de otimização do processo de transformação do conhecimento em riqueza social.

O USO DAS TECNOLOGIAS DA INFORMAÇÃO NA LIBERAÇÃO DE DADOS NA REDE: O CASO WIKILEAKS

O trabalho apresenta um estudo de caso do site Wikileaks, fundado pelo ex-hacker australiano Julian Assange, que ganhou fama mundial em 2010 por vazar documentos secretos dos Estados Unidos relacionados às guerras do Afeganistão e Iraque, e das embaixadas americanas de todo o mundo. A publicação de todo este conteúdo gerou uma grande controvérsia no alto escalão da política internacional e trouxe a tona como os donos do poder e da mídia monopolizada agem para calar os discursos de narradores que podem colocar a sobrevivência política destes atores do poder em risco. Este trabalho, portanto, apresenta um caso onde as novas mídias digitais promoveram aquele que foi chamado de o maior vazamento da história e como os atores políticos reagiram a este fenômeno, com uma campanha de pressão e difamação de Assange para tentar cessar as ações do site.

The devil is in the detail:tobacco industry political influence in the Dutch implementation of the 2001 EU Tobacco Products Directive

Introduction - The Dutch implementation of the black border provision in the 2001 European Union Tobacco Products Directive (TPD) is studied to examine the implications of tobacco industry involvement in the implementation phase of the policy process. Methods - A qualitative analysis was conducted of Dutch government documents obtained through Freedom of Information Act requests, triangulated with in-depth interviews with key informants and secondary data sources (publicly available government documents, scientific literature, and news articles). Results - Tobacco manufacturers’ associations were given the opportunity to set implementation specifications via a fast-track deal with the government. The offer of early implementation of the labelling section of the TPD was used as political leverage by the industry, and underpinned by threats of litigation and arguments highlighting the risks of additional public costs and the benefits to the government of expediency and speed. Ultimately, the government agreed to the industry's interpretation, against the advice of the European Commission. Conclusions - The findings highlight the policy risks associated with corporate actors’ ability to use interactions over technical product specifications to influence the implementation of health policy and illustrate the difficulties in limiting industry interference in accordance with Article 5.3 of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). The implementation phase is particularly vulnerable to industry influence, where negotiation with industry actors may be unavoidable and the practical implications of relatively technical considerations are not always apparent to policymakers. During the implementation of the new TPD 2014/40/EU, government officials are advised to take a proactive role in stipulating technical specifications.

A history of a policy-level curriculum change in California

With the publication of A Nation at Risk (1983) educational reform has had a prominent place on the agenda of virtually every one of the sovereign states. As in many other states California focused much of its reform effort on the teaching of reading. In a political battle over the reading curriculum, California went from the English/Language Arts Framework of 1987, widely viewed as giving the state's imprimatur to whole language (an approach rooted in the learner's experience), to the English/Language Arts Frameworks (a more traditional or basic approach) of 1998 that called for the inclusion of phonemic awareness as the building block of reading instruction in all elementary schools. This study examined the historical record to determine the major forces behind this curriculum change. The results of this study are helpful to those who wish to better understand the relationship between political forces and curriculum change in the current age of educational reform. ^ This study utilized qualitative research methods and is presented as humanistic historical research (Landes & Tilly, 1971). The organizational framework for the study is taken from the work of M. Frances Klein (1991) which identifies seven different levels of curriculum decision-making. In this analysis particular attention was paid to the interaction of academic, formal, and societal levels, as the problem under consideration casts curriculum decision-making in the political realm. Three sources of information were used to provide the historical record. They include articles from popular newspapers and magazines, government documents, and interviews with individuals directly involved in the political process. ^ The results of this study demonstrate the power of societal forces over formal authority in making curriculum policy decisions. ^

Illicit interest groups: The political impact of the Medellin drug trafficking organizations in Colombia

Although drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) exist and have an effect on health, crime, economies, and politics, little research has explored these entities as political organizations. Legal interest groups and movements have been found to influence domestic and international politics because they operate within legal parameters. Illicit groups, such as DTOs, have rarely been accounted for—especially in the literature on interest groups—though they play a measurable role in affecting domestic and international politics in similar ways. Using an interest group model, this dissertation analyzed DTOs as illicit interest groups (IIGs) to explain their political influence. The analysis included a study of group formation, development, and demise that examined IIG motivation, organization, and policy impact. The data for the study drew from primary and secondary sources, which include interviews with former DTO members and government officials, government documents, journalistic accounts, memoirs, and academic research. To illustrate the interest group model, the study examined Medellin-based DTO leaders, popularly known as the "Medellin Cartel." In particular, the study focused on the external factors that gave rise to DTOs in Colombia and how Medellin DTOs reacted to the implementation of counternarcotics efforts. The discussion was framed by the implementation of the 1979 Extradition Treaty negotiated between Colombia and the United States. The treaty was significant because as drug trafficking became the principal bilateral issue in the 1980s; extradition became a major method of combating the illicit drug business. The study's findings suggested that Medellin DTO leaders had a one-issue agenda and used a variety of political strategies to influence public opinion and all three branches of government—the judicial, the legislative, and the executive—in an effort to invalidate the 1979 Extradition Treaty. The changes in the life cycle of the 1979 Extradition Treaty correlated with changes in the political power of Medellin-based DTOs vis-à-vis the Colombian government, and international forces such as the U.S. government's push for tougher counternarcotics efforts.