Il/legitimate risks? Occupational health and safety and the public in Britain, c. 1960-2015

The last 20 years have seen the emergence of a popular climate of antipathy towards occupational health and safety regulation within the UK, particularly within the mainstream British media. The governance of health and safety has thus in recent years become an increasingly visible and contested public and political issue. The extent of this contestation, and its impact on the State’s governance of health and safety in the workplace and beyond, is explained and historicized within this chapter. Why has public rhetoric about health and safety apparently become so important in framing the ways in which the State could legitimately act in recent years? The chapter demonstrates how since 1960 the State remained a significant player – one among many, admittedly – and that while its roles in managing health and safety had long been bounded by a number of factors, a variable that emerged with particular saliency over the last 20 years has been a mediated notion of ‘public opinion’. This focus serves to remind us of the ways in which State action has at certain moments been pushed in particular directions by factors beyond formal mechanisms of rule.

Incorporating stakeholder values into regional forest planning : a value function approach

Forest management involves multiple objectives, multiple stakeholders, complex socio-ecological and political interactions. Public involvement in forest decision making is a challenging task that involves controversies. Various participatory tools such as public consultation forums, public comment processes, opinion polls are used to consult and to obtain inputs from communities. All these methods can provide useful information but they fail to quantify the trade-offs systematically and offer little help in minimizing conflicts. The Australian Regional Forest Agreement (RFA) program was implemented in response to the decades of conflicts and debate between various stakeholder groups and government over the use and management of forest resources. So far, it has not been able to minimize conflicts in the forestry sector, partly due to its poor incorporation and integration of stakeholder values. This paper uses the value functions approach in modelling stakeholder values in regional forest planning. The results of the study indicate that this method can help to incorporate value preferences effectively into the decision making process. It can also increase the transparency and credibility of the forest planning exercises such as RFA process.

The original bailout of US corporations : the public relations bailout

More than a trillion of taxpayer dollars are currently being used to bail out the US banking, mortgage and car industries. This invokes an interesting connection to public relations the last time drastic US government involvement with corporations was contemplated. This pre-First World War crisis of the free enterprise system involved a deficit not of money but of favourable public opinion. The requirement was for vast amounts of public opinion and public policy work by a reported at least 1200 – what were at that time called – press agents. This was the period when public relations emerged as a fundamental plank of US and ultimately of global culture. The thesis of this article is that many aspects of the world we live in cannot be properly understood without a better analysis of the first bailout of US corporations—the public relations bailout.

Comparing British and Australian fear of terrorism pre and post the Iraqi war

Public attitudes to terrorism influence government positions in opinion polls and highlight the effectiveness of terrorism as a political strategy. British (N = 47) and Australian (N = 42) participants' fear of terrorism at the onset of. and after, the Iraqi war were measured. Self-efficacy, locus of control, media consumption, belief in a just world and war opinions were also measured. Initially, the British were more fearful of terrorism than Australians. However, British fear declined after the war. It is postulated that fear of terrorism is influenced by war opinions with a pro-war attitude protecting against fear.

The good news about television: attitudes aren't getting worse: tracking public attitudes toward TV advertising

Periodically tracking public sentiment toward television advertising (TVA) is an important barometer for the advertising industry and its myriad stakeholders. To date, however, most studies of consumers’ attitudes to TVA have been cross-sectional. This study, alternatively, provides a quasi-longitudinal examination of Australian attitudes toward TVA across four time points (2002, 2005, 2008, and 2010). Findings suggest that although attitudes toward TVA are generally negative, in fact they have not deteriorated over time. Considerable scope consequently exists for improving consumer attitudes toward TVA.

Ipoll: Automatic polling using online search

For years, opinion polls rely on data collected through telephone or person-to-person surveys. The process is costly, inconvenient, and slow. Recently online search data has emerged as potential proxies for the survey data. However considerable human involvement is still needed for the selection of search indices, a task that requires knowledge of both the target issue and how search terms are used by the online community. The robustness of such manually selected search indices can be questionable. In this paper, we propose an automatic polling system through a novel application of machine learning. In this system, the needs for examining, comparing, and selecting search indices have been eliminated through automatic generation of candidate search indices and intelligent combination of the indices. The results include a publicly accessible web application that provides real-time, robust, and accurate measurements of public opinions on several subjects of general interest.

Who wants safer cities? Perceptions of public safety and attitudes to migrants among China's urban population

Most extant research in the economics of crime literature has focused on explaining variations in crime rates. Public action to prevent crime, however, is often dependent on the level of concern about public safety that is expressed in public perceptions surveys. The economics of crime literature has largely overlooked responses to such surveys as data sources and therefore it has not accounted for the role that public opinion might have in mobilizing public action against crime. We use a unique survey administered in 2003 in 32 Chinese cities to examine the determinants of perceptions of public safety among China's urban population. One of our major findings is that individuals who have a negative perception of rural-urban migrants living in their city have a poor perception of public safety. We also find that the unemployment rate, the masculinity ratio and expenditure on armed police in the city in which the individual resides, whether the individual lives in the coastal region as opposed to the central or western region and average changes in housing prices and average changes in rental prices in the city in which the individual lives are important predictors of perceptions of public safety. © 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

A decade of social development in Latin America, 1990-1999

Includes bibliography

The public debate about agrobiotechnology in Latin American countries: comparative study of Argentina, Brazil and Mexico

Includes bibliography

Social cohesion: inclusion and a sense of belonging in Latin America and the Caribbean. Summary

Includes bibliography

As coalizões de defesa e as mudanças na política externa comercial e energética dos Estados Unidos para o etanol em 2011

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Public Attitudes Toward Social Spending in the United States: The Differences Between Direct Spending and Tax Expenditures

This paper uses a survey experiment to examine differences in public attitudes toward 'direct' and 'indirect' government spending. Federal social welfare spending in the USA has two components: the federal government spends money to directly provide social benefits to citizens, and also indirectly subsidizes the private provision of social benefits through tax expenditures. Though benefits provided through tax expenditures are considered spending for budgetary purposes, they differ from direct spending in several ways: in the mechanisms through which benefits are delivered to citizens, in how they distribute wealth across the income spectrum, and in the visibility of their policy consequences to the mass public. We develop and test a model explaining how these differences will affect public attitudes toward spending conducted through direct and indirect means. We find that support for otherwise identical social programs is generally higher when such programs are portrayed as being delivered through tax expenditures than when they are portrayed as being delivered by direct spending. In addition, support for tax expenditure programs which redistribute wealth upward drops when citizens are provided information about the redistributive effects. Both of these results are conditioned by partisanship, with the opinions of Republicans more sensitive to the mechanism through which benefits are delivered, and the opinions of Democrats more sensitive to information about their redistributive effects.

About DNA databasing and investigative genetic analysis of externally visible characteristics: A public survey.

During the last decade, DNA profiling and the use of DNA databases have become two of the most employed instruments of police investigations. This very rapid establishment of forensic genetics is yet far from being complete. In the last few years novel types of analyses have been presented to describe phenotypically a possible perpetrator. We conducted the present study among German speaking Swiss residents for two main reasons: firstly, we aimed at getting an impression of the public awareness and acceptance of the Swiss DNA database and the perception of a hypothetical DNA database containing all Swiss residents. Secondly, we wanted to get a broader picture of how people that are not working in the field of forensic genetics think about legal permission to establish phenotypic descriptions of alleged criminals by genetic means. Even though a significant number of study participants did not even know about the existence of the Swiss DNA database, its acceptance appears to be very high. Generally our results suggest that the current forensic use of DNA profiling is considered highly trustworthy. However, the acceptance of a hypothetical universal database would be only as low as about 30% among the 284 respondents to our study, mostly because people are concerned about the security of their genetic data, their privacy or a possible risk of abuse of such a database. Concerning the genetic analysis of externally visible characteristics and biogeographical ancestry, we discover a high degree of acceptance. The acceptance decreases slightly when precise characteristics are presented to the participants in detail. About half of the respondents would be in favor of the moderate use of physical traits analyses only for serious crimes threatening life, health or sexual integrity. The possible risk of discrimination and reinforcement of racism, as discussed by scholars from anthropology, bioethics, law, philosophy and sociology, is mentioned less frequently by the study participants than we would have expected. A national DNA database and the widespread use of DNA analyses for police and justice have an impact on the entire society. Therefore the concerns of lay persons from the respective population should be heard and considered. The aims of this study were to draw a broader picture of the public opinion on DNA databasing and to contribute to the debate about the possible future use of genetics to reveal phenotypic characteristics. Our data might provide an additional perspective for experts involved in regulatory or legislative processes.

Public Support for Enlargement: Economic, Cultural, or Normative?

The current research questioned whether public opinion on enlargement can be adequately explained only by economic calculation and cultural/community identity. When the analytical viewpoint was expanded from the conventional individual level to state level, it was revealed that constructivist considerations-such as the democratization and reunification of Europe-play a critical role in pushing forward enlargement. Drawing on the perspective of international relations, this study introduced a synthetic model to analyze public opinion on enlargement in the EU's 15 old member states. The analysis using a Eurobarometer dataset showed that on public support for enlargement, constructivist attitudes held as much sway as cultural/community attitudes. In fact, expectations of democratization were the most important determinant of support for enlargement in the case of Turkey.

Any changes? The future agenda of Sweden's security policy. OSW Commentary No. 126, 28.01.2014

Sweden’s annual security and defence conference, which this year focused on the future of the country’s security policy, was held in Sälen on 12-14 January. It was attended by almost all the leaders of Sweden’s ruling and opposition parties. The discussions have revealed whether and how the mindset of the Swedish elite has changed following the heated debates on defence issues in 2013. The opposition parties (Social Democrats, the Green Party, and the Left Party), which are likely to form a coalition government after the election to the Swedish parliament in September 2014, were given the opportunity to present their own priorities. The discussions have brought to the surface conflicting perceptions within the political elite concerning the threats and challenges to Swedish security, and divergent positions on the future direction of the country’s security and defence policy. It is highly likely that, due to a coalition compromise, the current course of Sweden’s security policy (namely, a policy of non-alignment along with close co-operation with NATO) will be maintained following the parliamentary election, albeit with new “leftist” influences (a greater involvement in the United Nations). Big changes that could lead to a significant strengthening of Sweden’s defence capabilities, or a decision on NATO membership, are not likely. Paradoxically, polls suggest that in the long run a more radical change in Stockholm’s security policy may be shaped by a gradual, bottom-up evolution of public opinion on the issue.