Meta-analysis of telomere length in 19 713 subjects reveals high heritability, stronger maternal inheritance and a paternal age effect

Telomere length (TL) has been associated with aging and mortality, but individual differences are also influenced by genetic factors, with previous studies reporting heritability estimates ranging from 34 to 82%. Here we investigate the heritability, mode of inheritance and the influence of parental age at birth on TL in six large, independent cohort studies with a total of 19 713 participants. The meta-analysis estimate of TL heritability was 0.70 (95% CI 0.64–0.76) and is based on a pattern of results that is highly similar for twins and other family members. We observed a stronger mother–offspring (r=0.42; P-value=3.60 × 10−61) than father–offspring correlation (r=0.33; P-value=7.01 × 10−5), and a significant positive association with paternal age at offspring birth (β=0.005; P-value=7.01 × 10−5). Interestingly, a significant and quite substantial correlation in TL between spouses (r=0.25; P-value=2.82 × 10−30) was seen, which appeared stronger in older spouse pairs (mean age ≥55 years; r=0.31; P-value=4.27 × 10−23) than in younger pairs (mean age<55 years; r=0.20; P-value=3.24 × 10−10). In summary, we find a high and very consistent heritability estimate for TL, evidence for a maternal inheritance component and a positive association with paternal age.

Tombstone of unidentified Levite; Old Cemetery; Oberstrasse, Hannover Cemeteries Tombs

The hand pouring water from a jug indicates a descendant of the Levi tribe, whose function in the Temple was to wash the hands of the Priest (tombstone unrelated to the Gottschalk or Krakauer families)

Poverty and the Environment : Investment Poverty and the Role of Assets in Generating Welfare for Farmer Households in the Province of Herrera, Panama

Köyhiä maanviljelijöitä on usein syytetty kehitysmaiden ympäristöongelmista. On väitetty, että eloonjäämistaistelu pakottaa heidät käyttämään maata ja muita luonnonvaroja lyhytnäköisesti. Harva asiaa koskeva tutkimus on kuitenkaan tukenut tätä väitettä; perheiden köyhyyden astetta ja heidän aiheuttamaansa ympäristövaikutusta ei ole kyetty kytkemään toisiinsa. Selkeyttääkseen köyhyys-ympäristö –keskustelua, Thomas Reardon ja Steven Vosti kehittivät investointiköyhyyden käsitteen. Se tunnistaa sen kenties suuren joukon maanviljelijäperheitä, jotka eivät ole köyhiä perinteisten köyhyysmittareiden mukaan, mutta joiden hyvinvointi ei ole riittävästi köyhyysrajojen yläpuolella salliakseen perheen investoida kestävämpään maankäyttöön. Reardon ja Vosti korostivat myös omaisuuden vaikutusta perheiden hyvinvointiin, ja uskoivat sen vaikuttavan tuotanto- ja investointipäätöksiin. Tässä tutkimuksessa pyritään vastaamaan kahteen kysymykseen: Miten investointiköyhyyttä voidaan ymmärtää ja mitata? Ja, mikä on viljelijäperheiden omaisuuden hyvinvointia lisäävä vaikutus? Tätä tutkimusta varten haastateltiin 402 maanviljelijäperhettä Väli-Amerikassa, Panaman tasavallan Herreran läänissä. Näiden perheiden hyvinvointia mitattiin heidän kulutuksensa mukaan, ja paikalliset köyhyysrajat laskettiin paikallisen ruoan hinnan mukaan. Herrerassa ihminen tarvitsee keskimäärin 494 dollaria vuodessa saadakseen riittävän ravinnon, tai 876 dollaria vuodessa voidakseen ravinnon lisäksi kattaa muitakin välttämättömiä menoja. Ruoka- eli äärimmäisen köyhyyden rajan alle jäi 15,4% tutkituista perheistä, ja 33,6% oli jokseenkin köyhiä, eli saavutti kyllä riittävän ravitsemuksen, muttei kyennyt kustantamaan muita perustarpeitaan. Molempien köyhyysrajojen yläpuolelle ylsi siis 51% tutkituista perheistä. Näiden köyhyysryhmien välillä on merkittäviä eroavaisuuksia ei vain perheiden varallisuuden, tulojen ja investointistrategioiden välillä, mutta myös perheiden rakenteessa, elinympäristössä ja mahdollisuuksissa saada palveluja. Investointiköyhyyden mittaaminen osoittautui haastavaksi. Herrerassa viljelijät eivät tee investointeja puhtaasti ympäristönsuojeluun, eikä maankäytön kestävyyttä muutenkaan pystytty yhdistämään perheiden hyvinvoinnin tasoon. Siksi investointiköyhyyttä etsittiin sellaisena hyvinvoinnin tasona, jonka alapuolella elävien perheiden parissa tuottavat maanparannusinvestoinnit eivät enää ole suorassa suhteessa hyvinvointiin. Tällaisia investointeja ovat mm. istutetut aidat, lannoitus ja paranneltujen laiduntyyppien viljely. Havaittiin, että jos perheen hyvinvointi putoaa alle 1000 dollarin/henkilö/vuosi, tällaiset tuottavat maanparannusinvestoinnit muuttuvat erittäin harvinaisiksi. Investointiköyhyyden raja on siis noin kaksi kertaa riittävän ravitsemuksen hinta, ja sen ylitti 42,3% tutkituista perheistä. Heille on tyypillistä, että molemmat puolisot käyvät työssä, ovat korkeasti koulutettuja ja yhteisössään aktiivisia, maatila tuottaa paremmin, tilalla kasvatetaan vaativampia kasveja, ja että he ovat kerryttäneet enemmän omaisuutta kuin investointi-köyhyyden rajan alla elävät perheet. Tässä tutkimuksessa kyseenalaistettiin yleinen oletus, että omaisuudesta olisi poikkeuksetta hyötyä viljelijäperheelle. Niinpä omaisuuden vaikutusta perheiden hyvinvointiin tutkittiin selvittämällä, mitä reittejä pitkin perheiden omistama maa, karja, koulutus ja työikäiset perheenjäsenet voisivat lisätä perheen hyvinvointia. Näiden hyvinvointi-mekanismien ajateltiin myös riippuvan monista väliin tulevista tekijöistä. Esimerkiksi koulutus voisi lisätä hyvinvointia, jos sen avulla saataisiin paremmin palkattuja töitä tai perustettaisiin yritys; mutta näihin mekanismeihin saattaa vaikuttaa vaikkapa etäisyys kaupungeista tai se, omistaako perhe ajoneuvon. Köyhimpien perheiden parissa nimenomaan koulutus olikin ainoa tutkittu omaisuuden muoto, joka edisti perheen hyvinvointia, kun taas maasta, karjasta tai työvoimasta ei ollut apua köyhyydestä nousemiseen. Varakkaampien perheiden parissa sen sijaan korkeampaa hyvinvointia tuottivat koulutuksen lisäksi myös maa ja työvoima, joskin monesta väliin tulevasta muuttujasta, kuten tuotantopanoksista riippuen. Ei siis ole automaatiota, jolla omaisuus parantaisi perheiden hyvinvointia. Vaikka rikkailla onkin yleensä enemmän karjaa kuin köyhemmillä, ei tässä aineistossa löydetty yhtään mekanismia, jota kautta karjan määrä tuottaisi korkeampaa hyvinvointia viljelijäperheille. Omaisuuden keräämisen ja hyödyntämisen strategiat myös muuttuvat hyvinvoinnin kasvaessa ja niihin vaikuttavat monet ulkoiset tekijät. Ympäristön ja köyhyyden suhde on siis edelleen epäselvä. Köyhyyden voittaminen vaatii pitkällä tähtäimellä sitä, että viljelijäperheet nousisivat investointiköyhyyden rajan yläpuolelle. Näin heillä olisi varaa alkaa kartuttaa omaisuutta ja investoida kestävämpään maankäyttöön. Tällä hetkellä kuitenkin isolle osalle herreralaisia perheitä tuo raja on kaukana tavoittamattomissa. Miten päästä yli tuhannen dollarin kulutukseen perheenjäsentä kohden, mikäli elintaso ei yllä edes riittävään ravitsemukseen? Ja sittenkin, vaikka hyvinvointi kohenisi, ei ympäristön kannalta parannuksia ole välttämättä odotettavissa, mikäli karjalaumat kasvavat ja eroosioalttiit laitumet leviävät.

Determinants of farmer retirement and farm succession in Finland

In the past decade, the Finnish agricultural sector has undergone rapid structural changes. The number of farms has decreased and the average farm size has increased when the number of farms transferred to new entrants has decreased. Part of the structural change in agriculture is manifested in early retirement programmes. In studying farmers exit behaviour in different countries, institutional differences, incentive programmes and constraints are found to matter. In Finland, farmers early retirement programmes were first introduced in 1974 and, during the last ten years, they have been carried out within the European Union framework for these programmes. The early retirement benefits are farmer specific and de-pend on the level of pension insurance the farmer has paid over his active farming years. In order to predict the future development of the agricultural sector, farmers have been frequently asked about their future plans and their plans for succession. However, the plans the farmers made for succession have been found to be time inconsistent. This study estimates the value of farmers stated succession plans in predicting revealed succession decisions. A stated succession plan exists when a farmer answers in a survey questionnaire that the farm is going to be transferred to a new entrant within a five-year period. The succession is revealed when the farm is transferred to a suc-cessor. Stated and revealed behaviour was estimated as a recursive Binomial Probit Model, which accounts for the censoring of the decision variables and controls for a potential correlation between the two equations. The results suggest that the succession plans, as stated by elderly farmers in the questionnaires, do not provide information that is significant and valuable in predicting true, com-pleted successions. Therefore, farmer exit should be analysed based on observed behaviour rather than on stated plans and intentions. As farm retirement plays a crucial role in determining the characteristics of structural change in agriculture, it is important to establish the factors which determine an exit from farming among eld-erly farmers and how off-farm income and income losses affect their exit choices. In this study, the observed choice of pension scheme by elderly farmers was analysed by a bivariate probit model. Despite some variations in significance and the effects of each factor, the ages of the farmer and spouse, the age and number of potential successors, farm size, income loss when retiring and the location of the farm together with the production line were found to be the most important determi-nants of early retirement and the transfer or closure of farms. Recently, the labour status of the spouse has been found to contribute significantly to individual retirement decisions. In this study, the effect of spousal retirement and economic incentives related to the timing of a farming couple s early retirement decision were analysed with a duration model. The results suggest that an expected pension in particular advances farm transfers. It was found that on farms operated by a couple, both early retirement and farm succession took place more often than on farms operated by a single person. However, the existence of a spouse delayed the timing of early retirement. Farming couples were found to co-ordinate their early retirement decisions when they both exit through agricultural retirement programmes, but such a co-ordination did not exist when one of the spouses retired under other pension schemes. Besides changes in the agricultural structure, the share and amount of off-farm income of a farm family s total income has also increased. In the study, the effect of off-farm income on farmers retirement decisions, in addition to other financial factors, was analysed. The unknown parameters were first estimated by a switching-type multivariate probit model and then by the simulated maxi-mum likelihood (SML) method, controlling for farmer specific fixed effects and serial correlation of the errors. The results suggest that elderly farmers off-farm income is a significant determinant in a farmer s choice to exit and close down the farm. However, off-farm income only has a short term effect on structural changes in agriculture since it does not significantly contribute to the timing of farm successions.

Gem Stone Commemorative Medal

Obverse: The emblem of the International Precious Stones Congress. Reverse: The twelve precious stones on the High Priest's breastplate and their Hebrew names.

National Council of Jewish Women, New York Section records, undated, 1895-2004.

These records document New York Section’s early history to the present, representing a significant portion of its work in community programming and advocacy, as well as its supporting administrative, fundraising, membership, and public relations activities. As a section of the National Council, its records also include a substantial amount of material regarding the National Organization’s programs, events, publications, and reports, dating from 1896 through 1999.

Patriarkkana ikuisuuden performanssissa : Maskuliinisuuden ja miehen ruumiillisuuden rakentuminen mormonien Duties and Blessings of the Priesthood -opetuskäsikirjassa

The material I analyze for my master's thesis is a teaching manual used by the Mormons (the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints), called "Duties and Blessings of the Priesthood". This work includes numerous lesson plans, each one with a separate topic. The manual is intended especially for teaches, but can also be used for individual study. The main target of my research is to find out how men and their bodies are constructed in the manual. Prescriptive texts together with narrative stories and illustrations create a multifaceted picture of Mormon notions of masculinity and corporeality. I approach my research material from a constructivist perspective. I build my interpretative reading upon Critical Discourse Analysis. I am especially interested in how the manual interprets and understands connections between gender, embodiment and religion. I understand gender in Judith Butler's terms, as a performance of styled and repeated gestures. Some of the discussions I raise in my work draw upon the disciplines of Critical Men's Studies and Sociology of Religion. In Mormonism, gender is thought to be an elementary part of human ontology. It is an eternal trait inherited from God the Father (and God the Mother). The place of men in Mormon cosmology is determined by their double role as patriarchs, fathers and priests. The main objective of mortal life is to gain salvation together with one's family. The personal goal of a Mormon man is to one day become a god. Patriarchs are responsible for the spiritual and material well-being of their family. The head of a household should be gentle and loving, but still an unconditional authority. In the manual, a Mormon man is depicted as a successor of mythical and exemplary men of sacred history. The perfect and sinless body of Jesus Christ serves as an ideal for the male body. Mormon masculinity is also defined by priesthood - the holy power of God - which is given to practically all male Mormons. Through the priesthood, a Mormon man serves as the governor of God on Earth. The Mormon priest has the authority to bind the immanent and the transcendent worlds together with gestures, poses and motions performed with his body. In Mormonism, the body also symbolizes a temple or a space where the sacred meets the profane. Because the priesthood borne by a man is holy, he has to treat his body accordingly. The body is valuable in itself, without it one cannot be saved. Men are forbidden of polluting their bodies by using stimulants or by having sexual relations out of wedlock. A priesthood holder must uphold healthy habits, dress neatly, and conduct himself in a temperate manner. He must also be outgoing and attentive. The manual suggests that a man's goodness or wickedness can be perceived from his external appearance. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is a hierarchical and man-led organisation. The ideals of gender and corporeality are set by a homogenous priesthood leadership that consists mainly of white heterosexual American men. The larger Mormon community can control individual men by sanctioning. Growing as a Mormon man happens under the guidance of one's reference group.

Analysis of body composition in individuals with high bone mass reveals a marked increase in fat mass in women but not men

Context: High bone mass (HBM), detected in 0.2% of dual-energy x-ray absorptiometry (DXA) scans, is characterized by raised body mass index, the basis for which is unclear. Objective: To investigate why body mass index is elevated in individuals with HBM, we characterized body composition and examined whether differences could be explained by bone phenotypes, eg, bone mass and/or bone turnover. Design, Setting, and Participants: We conducted a case-control study of 153 cases with unexplained HBM recruited from 4 UK centers by screening 219 088 DXA scans. Atotal of 138 first-degree relatives (of whom 51 had HBM) and 39 spouses were also recruited. Unaffected individuals served as controls. Main Outcome Measures: We measured fat mass, by DXA, and bone turnover markers. Results: Amongwomen, fat mass was inversely related to age in controls (P<.01), but not in HBM cases (P<.96) in whom mean fat mass was 8.9 [95% CI 4.7, 13.0] kg higher compared with controls (fully adjusted mean difference, P<.001). Increased fat mass in male HBM cases was less marked (gender interaction P = .03). Compared with controls, lean mass was also increased in female HBM cases (by 3.3 [1.2, 5.4] kg; P<.002); however, lean mass increases wereless marked than fat mass increases, resulting in 4.5% lower percentage lean mass in HBM cases (P<.001). Osteocalcin was also lower in female HBM cases compared with controls (by 2.8 [0.1, 5.5]μg/L; P = .04). Differences in fat mass were fully attenuated after hip bone mineral density (BMD) adjustment (P = .52) but unchanged after adjustment for bone turnover (P < .001), whereas the greater hip BMD in female HBM cases was minimally attenuated by fat mass adjustment (P<.001). Conclusions: HBM is characterized by a marked increase in fat mass in females, statistically explained by their greater BMD, but not by markers of bone turnover. Copyright © 2013 by The Endocrine Society.

Elevated circulating sclerostin concentrations in individuals with high bone mass, with and without LRP5 mutations

CONTEXT: The role and importance of circulating sclerostin is poorly understood. High bone mass (HBM) caused by activating LRP5 mutations has been reported to be associated with increased plasma sclerostin concentrations; whether the same applies to HBM due to other causes is unknown. OBJECTIVE: Our objective was to determine circulating sclerostin concentrations in HBM. DESIGN AND PARTICIPANTS: In this case-control study, 406 HBM index cases were identified by screening dual-energy x-ray absorptiometry (DXA) databases from 4 United Kingdom centers (n = 219 088), excluding significant osteoarthritis/artifact. Controls comprised unaffected relatives and spouses. MAIN MEASURES: Plasma sclerostin; lumbar spine L1, total hip, and total body DXA; and radial and tibial peripheral quantitative computed tomography (subgroup only) were evaluated. RESULTS: Sclerostin concentrations were significantly higher in both LRP5 HBM and non-LRP5 HBM cases compared with controls: mean (SD) 130.1 (61.7) and 88.0 (39.3) vs 66.4 (32.3) pmol/L (both P < .001, which persisted after adjustment for a priori confounders). In combined adjusted analyses of cases and controls, sclerostin concentrations were positively related to all bone parameters found to be increased in HBM cases (ie, L1, total hip, and total body DXA bone mineral density and radial/tibial cortical area, cortical bone mineral density, and trabecular density). Although these relationships were broadly equivalent in HBM cases and controls, there was some evidence that associations between sclerostin and trabecular phenotypes were stronger in HBM cases, particularly for radial trabecular density (interaction P < .01). CONCLUSIONS: Circulating plasma sclerostin concentrations are increased in both LRP5 and non-LRP5 HBM compared with controls. In addition to the general positive relationship between sclerostin and DXA/peripheral quantitative computed tomography parameters, genetic factors predisposing to HBM may contribute to increased sclerostin levels.

Lähellä, mutta niin kaukana : Tutkimus naisten muuttoliikkeestä Suomen ja uudelleen itsenäistyneen Viron välillä

Immigration is one of the most topical international issues of our time. Worldwide, the number of immigrants has doubled over the last twenty years, and migration patterns have become so diversified that they now constitute a kind of “chaos”. The number and significance of women as migrants has also increased, which is earning women growing attention among scholars. This study looks at the migration of women, in particular mothers of small children, in both directions between Finland and Estonia, following the latter’s re- independence. The data consists of in-depth interviews conducted in 2005 with 24 Finnish and 24 Estonian immigrant women. The focus was on the women’s expectations and experiences of their new country of residence, acculturation – i.e. adjusting to a new environment, social networks in the country of origin and the new country, and models of motherhood following immigration. The primary research question was formulated as follows: Which factors have influenced the formation of female immigrants’ social ties, thus contributing to the formation of motherhood strategies and afecting internal family dynamics in the new country? The research consists of four previously published independent articles as well as a summary chapter. The study’s findings indicate that Finnish and Estonian women migrated for diferent reasons and at diferent times, and that their migration patterns also difered. Estonian migration occurred mainly in the 1990s, and most immigrants intended to return later to their country of origin. Regardless of the reason for migrating that they gave to immigration officials, other key reasons often included the desire for a more stable living environment and better income. Only four of the Estonian women had immigrated together with an Estonian husband, while two- thirds came because of marriage to a Finnish man. Most of the Finnish women, on the other hand, migrated after 2000 and either came with their family as a result of a spouse’s job transfer, or came by themselves to further their studies. In most cases, the migration was a temporary solution intended to promote one’s own or one’s spouse’s career advancement. Because the reasons for migrating were diferent between Finnish and Estonian women, their expectations of the new country and their status in it were also diferent. In terms of both social and economic standing, the position of Finnish immigrants was categorically better. The reason for migrating had an impact on one’s orientation toward the receiving society. Estonian women and Finns who migrated for marriage or edu cational reasons became immediately active in forming institutional and social ties in the new society. Conversely, the women had migrated because of work had little contact with Estonian society, and their social networks consisted of other Finnish immigrants. Furthermore, they maintained strong institutional and social ties to Finland and therefore felt no need to anchor themselves to Estonian society. The Finnish and Estonian women who were better integrated into the receiving country also maintained strong social ties to their country of origin. Women who became integrated into the receiving country as a result of giving birth to children utilized various services directed at families with children. In part, such services conveyed to the women the conceptions that were prevalent in the surrounding society concerning the treatment of children and the expectations on mothers, both of which difer to some extent in Finland and Estonia. had an impact on strategies of motherhood, internal family dynamics, and gender Regardless of the reason for migrating, or the country of origin, immigration equality. Most Estonian women had to do without the child-care help provided by relatives; before immigrating, some women had even had daily child-care assistance from family members. However, Estonian women who were married to Finns did receive help from the spouse and sometimes also the spouse’s relatives. Conversely, Finnish women who had immigrated because of a spouse’s job transfer were faced with the opposite situation, in which they bore the main responsibility for domestic work and child care. They were, however, in a position to pay for domestic help. Hence, the women who had integrated into a new society had to construct their own perceptions of motherhood by reconciling the motherhood models of both the cause of a spouse’s job transfer found that being a stay-at-home mother challenged previously self-evident behaviors. Receiving country and the country of origin, whereas women who had migrated because of a spouse’s job transfer found that being a stay-at-home mother challenged previously self-evident behaviors.

The effects of marriage partners' socio-economic positions on the risk of divorce in Finland

Väitöskirjatutkimuksen tavoitteena oli selvittää, miten aviopuolisoiden sosioekonominen asema vaikuttaa avioeroriskiin Suomessa. Tutkimuksessa käytettiin Tilastokeskuksen rekistereistä koottua aineistoa, joka koskee suomalaisten ensimmäisiä avioliittoja vuoden 1990 lopussa ja avioeroja vuosina 1991−93. Väitöskirjaan sisältyy kolme osatutkimusta. Ensimmäinen osatutkimus käsitteli avioeroriskin vaihtelua aviopuolisoiden sosioekonomisen aseman eri osatekijöiden (koulutusaste, sosiaaliryhmä, pääasiallinen toiminta, tulotaso, asunnon omistaminen ja asumisahtaus) mukaan. Kaiken kaikkiaan avioeroriski oli sitä pienempi, mitä paremmassa taloudellisessa ja sosiaalisessa asemassa aviopuolisot olivat. Esimerkiksi miehen ja vaimon korkea koulutusaste, toimihenkilöammatti, työssäkäynti (etenkin verrattuna työttömyyteen) sekä omistusasunnossa asuminen liittyivät pienentyneeseen avioeroriskiin. Vaimon sosioekonomisen aseman yhteys avioeroriskiin oli paljolti samanlainen kuin miehen aseman yhteys. Huomattavin poikkeus tähän oli, että vaimon suuret tulot lisäsivät avioeroriskiä, vaikka miehen suurilla tuloilla oli päinvastainen vaikutus. Lisäksi kotitaloustyötä pääasiallisena toimintanaan tekevillä naisilla (pääasiallisen toiminnan luokka ”muut”) oli vielä pienempi avioeroriski kuin työssäkäyvillä naisilla. Toisessa osatutkimuksessa keskityttiin aviomiehen ja vaimon aseman yhdistettyyn vaikutukseen. Selviä viitteitä siitä, että puolisoiden koulutustasojen erilaisuus lisäisi eroriskiä, ei saatu. Pareilla, joissa molemmilla oli enintään perusasteen koulutus, oli kuitenkin odotettua pienempi avioeroriski. Eroriski oli suhteellisen alhainen pareilla, joissa vaimo oli työssäkäyvä tai kotitaloustyötä tekevä ja aviomies työssäkäyvä. Eroriskiä kasvatti se, että aviomies, vaimo tai molemmat puolisot olivat työttömiä. Vaimon korkea tulotaso lisäsi eroriskiä miehen kaikilla tulotasoilla mutta erityisen voimakkaasti silloin, kun miehen tulotaso oli alhainen. Kolmanneksi selvitettiin, vaikuttaako puolisoiden sosioekonominen asema avioeroriskiin eri tavalla riippuen siitä, kauanko avioliitto on kestänyt. Tällöin havaittiin, että vähän koulutettujen ja työntekijäammateissa toimivien puolisoiden suuri eroriski rajoittuu paljolti nuorimpiin avioliittoihin. Sen sijaan esim. puolisoiden työttömyys, vaimon korkea tulotaso ja vuokra-asunnossa asuminen kasvattivat eroriskiä riippumatta siitä, kuinka kauan avioliitto oli kestänyt. Kaiken kaikkiaan eroriski oli siis sitä pienempi, mitä paremmassa taloudellisessa ja sosiaalisessa asemassa puolisot olivat. Vaimon taloudellisilla ja sosiaalisilla resursseilla näyttää kuitenkin olevan myös joitakin avioeroriskiä lisääviä vaikutuksia.

Determinants of institutional care at older ages in Finland

Väitöskirjassa selvitettiin ikäihmisten laitoshoitoon siirtymisen todennäköisyyttä ja sen taustoja kansainvälisesti ainutlaatuisen rekisteriaineiston avulla. Selvitettäviä asioita olivat eri sairauksien, sosioekonomisten tekijöiden, puolison olemassaolon ja leskeksi jäämisen yhteys laitoshoitoon siirtymiseen yli 65-vuotiailla suomalaisilla. Tutkimuksessa havaittiin, että dementia, Parkinsonin tauti, aivohalvaus, masennusoireet ja muut mielenterveysongelmat, lonkkamurtuma sekä diabetes lisäsivät ikäihmisten todennäköisyyttä siirtyä laitoshoitoon yli 50 prosentilla, kun muut sairaudet ja sosiodemografiset tekijät oli otettu huomioon. Korkeat tulot vähensivät laitoshoidon todennäköisyyttä, kun taas puutteellinen asuminen (ilman peseytymistiloja tai keskus- tai sähkölämmitystä) sekä erittäin puutteellinen asuminen (ilman lämmintä vettä, vesijohtoa, viemäriä tai vesivessaa) lisäsivät todennäkösyyttä, kun muut sosiodemografiset tekijät, sairaudet ja asuinalue oli huomioitu. Kerrostalon hissittömyys ei ollut yhteydessä laitoshoidon todennäköisyyteen. Todennäköisyys siirtyä laitoshoitoon oli jostain syystä korkeampaa niillä ikäihmisillä, jotka asuivat vuokralla ja matalampaa omakotitalossa asuvilla ja niillä, joilla oli auto. Puolison olemassaolo vähensi ja leskeksi jääminen lisäsi laitoshoidon todennäköisyyttä huomattavasti. Todennäköisyys oli erityisen suuri, yli kolminkertainen, kun puolison kuolemasta oli kulunut enintään kuukausi verrattuna niihin, joiden puoliso oli elossa. Todennäköisyys laski, kun puolison kuolemasta kului aikaa. Miesten ja naisten tulokset olivat samansuuntaisia. Korkeat tulot tai koulutus eivät suojanneet riskiltä joutua laitoshoitoon puolison kuoltua. Puolison kuolema näyttää lisäävän hoidon tarvetta, kun kotona ei ole enää puolisoa tukemassa ja huolehtimassa kodin askareista. Laitoshoidon tarve vähenee, jos ja kun lesket ajan kuluessa oppivat elämään yksin. Toisaalta tutkimustulokset saattavat viitata myös siihen, että kaikkein huonokuntoisimmat lesket, jotka eivät pärjää yksin asuessaan, siirtyvät laitoshoitoon hyvin nopeasti puolison kuoltua. Tutkimuksessa oli mukana yhteensä yli 280 000 yli 65-vuotiasta henkilöä, joiden pitkäaikaiseen laitoshoitoon siirtymistä seurattiin tammikuusta 1998 syyskuuhun 2003. Laitoshoidoksi määriteltiin terveyskeskuksissa, sairaaloissa ja vanhainkodeissa tai vastaavissa yksiköissä tapahtuva pitkäaikainen hoito, joka kesti yli 90 vuorokautta tai oli vahvistettu pitkäaikaishoidon päätöksellä. Tutkimuksessa käytetty aineisto koottiin väestörekistereistä, sosiaali- ja terveydenhuollon rekistereistä ja lääkerekistereistä.

Sinusta kiinni : Tutkimus puolisohoivan arjen toimijuuksista

Depending on you – A study of spousal care, everyday life and agency The present aim of the aging policy is to promote old peoples´ possibilities to live at their own home. It is also many elderly couples´ own wish. At home a persons spouse is the most natural care giver, if she or he is able to give care. Spousal care means living together, giving and receiving care and interdependency between the spouses. The aim of the policy is to support spousal care by paying financial support to a carer and arrang-ing formal home care services. The purpose of this research is to study the agency of care giving and receiving spouses as care givers and receivers and also as home care service users. The data of the study consist of the interviews of 21 elderly couples. Both spouses were interviewed seper-ately, with the exception of five couples who were interviewed together. In these inter-views a care receiver had difficulties in communicating by speaking and a spouse was her or his interpreter. The study is based on a social constructionistic and a discourse analytical view of con-struction of meanings in human communication. Talking is a social action: people achieve identities, realities, social order and social relationship through talking. In inter-pretating the spouses agency I have used of Harvey Sack´s method of Membership Categorization Device (MCD). The spouses construct social categories which made the meaning of their agency visible. Care changes the routines and actions of everyday life. The couples have to negotiate their duties and rights between each other. Care giving and receiving are both physical and emotional actions. In the end it becomes a part of the couples´ normal life. The pur-pose of couples´ action is to live together as long as possible. They want to strengthen both their own agency and their spouses´ agency. The living together depends on both of them. The spouses decided together what home care services they would like to use and on which conditions they have to use services. Spouses have different kind of agencies as service users which describe their relationship and confidency on formal home care support and services. Services must support the elderly couples´ shared life at home. They cannot be against the conditions on the spousal care. When you want to arrange services to elderly care giving and receiving couples, you have to consider their own wishes and the meanings of their own relationship and shared life.

Paimen vailla hiippakuntaa : Kenttäpiispan viran synty ja vaikutus sotilaspapiston asemaan Suomen puolustusvoimissa ja kirkossa vuosina 1939 - 1944

The main purpose of this research is to shed light on the factors that gave rise to the office of Field Bishop in the years 1939-1944. How did military bishophood affect the status of the head of military pastoral care and military clergy during these years? The main sources of my research are the collections in the Finnish National Archives, and I use a historical-qualitative method. The position of the military clergy was debated within both the Church and the Defence Forces before 1939. At that stage, Church law did not yet recognize the office of the leading military priest, the Field Dean. There had been a motion in 1932 to introduce the office of a military bishop, but the bishops' synod blocked it. The concept of Field Bishop appeared for the first time in 1927 in a Finnish military document, which dealt with pastoral care in the Polish military. The Field Dean in Finland had regularly proposed improvements to the salary of the military clergy before the Winter War. After the Winter War, arguments were made for strengthening the position of the military clergy: these arguments were based on the increased respect shown towards this clergy, especially due to their role in the care of the fallen, which had become their task during the war. Younger members of the military clergy in particular supported the demands to improve their position within the Church and the army. The creation of a Field Bishop was perceived as strengthening the whole military clergy, as the Field Bishop was envisioned as a bishop within the Church and a general within the Defence Forces. During that time the Field Dean was still without any military rank. The idea of a Field Bishop was recommended to Mannerheim in June 1940, after which the Defence Forces lent their support to the cause. The status of the military clergy, in Church law, made it to the agenda of the Church council in January 1941, thanks largely to the younger priests' group influence and Mannerheim's leverage. The bishops opposed the notion of a Field Bishop mostly on theological grounds but were ready to concede that the position the Field Dean in Church law required further defining. The creation of the office of Field Bishop was blocked in the Church law committee report issued close to the beginning of the Continuation War. The onset of that war, however, changed the course of events, as the President of the Republic appointed Field Dean Johannes Björklund as Field Bishop. Speculation has abounded about Mannerheim's role in the appointment, but the truth of the matter is not clear. The title of Field Bishop was used to put pressure on the Church, and, at the same time, Mannerheim could remain detached from the matter. Later, in September 1941, the Church council approved the use of the Field Bishop title to denote the head of military pastoral care in Church law, and Field Bishops were assigned some of the duties formerly pertaining to bishops. Despite all expectations and hopes, the new office of Field Bishop did not affect the status of the military clergy within the Defence Forces, as no ranks were established for them, and their salary did not improve. However the office of the Field Bishop within Army HQ was transformed from a bureau into a department in the summer of 1942. At the beginning of the Continuation War, the Field Bishop was criticized by certain military and Church clergy for favouring Russian Orthodox Christians in Eastern Karelia. Björklund agreed in principle with most of the Lutheran clergy on the necessity of Lutheranizing East Karelia but had to take into account the realities at Army HQ. As well, at the same time the majority of the younger clergy were serving in the army, and there was a lack of parish priests on the home front. Bishop Lehtonen had actually expressed the wish that more priests could have been released from the front to serve in local parishes. In his notes Lehtonen accused Björklund of trying to achieve the position of Field Bishop by all possible means. However, research has revealed a varied group of people behind the creation of the office of Field Bishop, including in particular younger clergy and the Defence Forces.

Doing marriage and parenthood: The division of household labour across two life course events

The current study is a longitudinal investigation into changes in the division of household labour across transitions to marriage and parenthood in the UK. Previous research has noted a more traditional division of household labour, with women performing the majority of housework, amongst spouses and couples with children. However, the bulk of this work has been cross-sectional in nature. The few longitudinal studies that have been carried out have been rather ambiguous about the effect of marriage and parenthood on the division of housework. Theoretically, this study draws on gender construction theory. The key premise of this theory is that gender is something that is performed and created in interaction, and, as a result, something fluid and flexible rather than fixed and stable. The idea that couples ‘do gender’ through housework has been a major theoretical breakthrough. Gender-neutral explanations of the division of household labour, positing rational acting individuals, have failed to explicate why women continue to perform an unequal share of housework, regardless of socio-economic status. Contrastingly, gender construction theory situates gender as the key process in dividing household labour. By performing and avoiding certain housework chores, couples fulfill social norms of what it means to be a man and a woman although, given the emphasis on human agency in producing and contesting gender, couples are able to negotiate alternative gender roles which, in turn, feed back into the structure of social norms in an ever-changing societal landscape. This study adds extra depth to the doing gender approach by testing whether or not couples negotiate specific conjugal and parent roles in terms of the division of household labour. Both transitions hypothesise a more traditional division of household labour. Data comes from the British Household Panel Survey, a large, nationally representative quantitative survey that has been carried out annually since 1991. Here, data tracks the same 776 couples at two separate time points – 1996 and 2005. OLS regression is used to test whether or not transitions to marriage and parenthood have a significant impact on the division of household labour whilst controlling for host of relevant socio-economic factors. Results indicate that marriage has no significant effect on how couples partition housework. Those couples making the transition from cohabitation to marriage do not show significant changes in housework arrangements from those couples who remain cohabiting in both waves. On the other hand, becoming parents does lead to a more traditional division of household labour whilst controlling for socio-economic factors which accompany the move to parenthood. There is then some evidence that couples use the site of household labour to ‘do parenthood’ and generate identities which both use and inform socially prescribed notions of what it means to be a mother and a father. Support for socio-economic explanations of the division of household labour was mixed although it remains clear that they, alone, cannot explain how households divide housework.