Los movimientos sociales en las agendas mediática y política en España: el caso de la PAH

El presente trabajo analiza la presencia de la Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca, de sus acciones y reivindicaciones en la agenda mediática y en la agenda política en España en el año 2014. Tras describir el papel de la plataforma como movimiento social en nuestro país, trata, en primer lugar, de analizar la cobertura que los tres principales medios impresos (El País, El Mundo y ABC) han hecho del mismo a lo largo del año, desde la perspectiva del Framing o Teoría del Enfoque, observando el tratamiento valorativo que realizan los tres diarios de la plataforma. Por otro lado, se lleva a cabo un análisis de la agenda política, en cuanto a las menciones a la PAH y a sus acciones en el debate parlamentario en el Congreso de los Diputados, diferenciando la pertenencia a la agenda simbólica y sustancial. Los datos muestran, por un lado, un tratamiento diverso del movimiento social por parte de los tres medios, que se correspondería con el diferente posicionamiento ideológico de cada periódico. Por otro, las formaciones políticas presentes en el hemiciclo incluyen de manera cuantitativamente distinta a la PAH en sus discursos –siendo Izquierda Plural el grupo que más menciones ha realizado– y la mayoría de éstos pertenece a la agenda simbólica. La distribución temporal de las dos agendas no muestra una influencia clara entre ambas.

La reducción enunciativa: Podemos y la constricción de la voz de la multitud

La irrupción política de Podemos en el panorama mediático y electoral español ha supuesto no sólo una revolución política sino también comunicativa. El 15M significó la crisis definitiva de la hegemonía indiscutible del Modelo Difusión en política, como ya se había verificado en otros espacios de comunicación social. Con su “no nos representan”, el 15M fue ante todo un proceso de disolución enunciativa. Tras él Podemos es el único caso de un experimento de hibridación integral del Modelo Difusión y el Modelo Reticular, intentando propiciar su sinergia. El desembarco de Pablo Iglesias en la televisión resulta crucial, pues se trata de un intento de abrochar la enunciación mediático-electoral con la enunciación popular-reticular.

Movimiento estudiantil en Chile, aprendizaje situado y activismo digital. Compromiso, cambio social y usos tecnológicos adolescentes

A partir del movimiento estudiantil que surge en Chile en 2011 el artículo reflexiona sobre la escuela como espacio de aprendizaje situado de tecnologías digitales audiovisuales y el modo en que este proceso puede impactar sobre la dimensión político-comunicacional de un movimiento social. Para ello, se describe y analiza el caso de una escuela donde la educación formal en lenguajes y tecnologías digitales se imbrica con el uso que hacen, estudiantes secundarias que se convierten en dirigentas estudiantiles, de aplicaciones y recursos de la web social y los llamados “social media” (youtube, blogs, redes sociales). Se trabaja con datos generados a través de entrevistas a informantes claves y una selección de videos creados por el estudiantado y subidos a internet. El contenido de las entrevistas es abordado desde el concepto de aprendizaje situado (Lave y Wenger, 1991) y los videos desde el concepto de videoactivismo (Askanius, 2013; Mateos y Rajas, 2014). Los resultados muestran que el uso concreto de herramientas digitales obtenidas en contextos educativos formales y dentro de procesos de movilización, genera a su vez nuevas experiencias de aprendizaje no-formal, que permiten tanto a estudiantes como docentes reflexionar sobre sus prácticas y mejorar su potencial comunicativo. Asimismo, muestran un uso acrítico de las herramientas digitales, lo cual constituye un llamado de atención respecto a la necesidad de incorporar los tópicos de privacidad y autocuidado en internet dentro de los contenidos a desarrollar por la escuela como espacio de aprendizaje digital.

Production of solidarities in YouTube: a visual study of Uyghur nationalism

The uprising in Tibet, which gained the attention of the global media during the preparation for the Beijing Olympics in 2008, and the ethnic riots in Xinjiang in 2009 showed Western audiences the extent of the ethnic conflict between China’s Han ethnic majority and its ethnic minority groups, the Uyghurs being one of them. In the late twentieth century, Uyghur diaspora communities formed their own cultural and political associations in Central Asia, Russia, Turkey, Europe, and North America, while Uyghur political activists have been increasingly using the Internet for spreading political messages promoting Uyghur national ideas. Among their efforts, different Uyghur organizations and individuals have created YouTube channels in order to generate interest in the Uyghur question, to internationalize Xinjiang issues, and to seek support from a variety of audiences. The aim of this research is to examine the structure of political communication about the Han–Uyghur conflict on YouTube, taking into consideration the contents of the videos and available information about authors and audiences. This study combines quantitative and qualitative methods of data analysis and offers insights into how the Internet is used by dispersed political actors within a framework of a single nationalist movement. It also provides a unique window into ethnic relations in Xinjiang and elucidates on how ethnic minority and transnational activist networks search for discourses that could serve as the basis for ethnic mobilization.

Teaching an old game new tricks : long-term feedback on a re-designed online role play

Despite an extensive history of use in teaching Political Science subjects, long-term scholarly studies of online role plays are uncommon. This paper redresses that balance by presenting five years of data on the Middle East Politics Simulation. This online role play has been run since the 1990s and underwent significant technical upgrade in 2013-14. The data presented here covers student feedback to this upgrade process and the factors that can influence their response. Key indications are that students tend to recognise when something is fit (or not) for its purpose and will forgo attractive and well-appointed online environments if the underlying learning exercise is valued. However, there are limits to this minimalism and whilst designers do not need to replicate every Internet trend, attention needs to be paid to broader changes in technology, such as access platform and changing avenues of political communication. The study demonstrates that long-term monitoring of online role play exercises is important to allow informed changes to be implemented and their impacts properly assessed.

Introduction: the plurality of publics

The singularity of the concepts of public and public sphere is explored in this essay and ultimately challenged. Through an investigation of the deployment of the term public, a determination of the relationship of the private to the public, and a study of the emergence and value of the term “publics,” the book’s sections and contributions are introduced.

La comunicación política en la administración de Gustavo Petro 2012-2014

El objetivo central de esta tesis es analizar cómo ha sido la comunicación política de la administración de Gustavo Petro entre 2012 y 2014, determinando el nivel de democratización presente en esta. Desde sus inicios, la alcaldía de Gustavo Petro mostro una gran preocupación por el ámbito de comunicación, sin embargo, como se puede ver en el plan de desarrollo, le apunta a una comunicación participativa en donde la ciudadanía haga parte de la construcción, diseño e implementación de los programas de gobierno. Por lo tanto se parte de la hipótesis de que la comunicación política durante esta administración ha sido democrática en tanto que ha permitido hacer partícipe a la ciudadanía de su propio desarrollo, a través del dialogo constante. Lo anterior será visto desde una perspectiva teórica sobre la comunicación política democrática, para lo cual las variables direccionalidad y centralidad serán claves.

Comunicação e prática política nas monarquias ibéricas de antigo regime (1700-1750): Évora, Córdova, Ouro Preto e Quito

O presente estudo trata da prática política nos diferentes espaços das monarquias ibéricas na primeira metade do século XVIII. Tendo como objecto de análise principal a correspondência de quatro municípios seleccionados como observatórios (Évora, Córdova, Ouro Preto e Quito), pretende-se conhecer com maior detalhe as variações desta mesma prática em função dos contextos. Partindo da ideia de que o modelo político-administrativo implementado na América seria, na essência, decalcado do peninsular, procura-se aqui entender as mutações resultantes desta transferência. Ao longo deste trabalho defender-se-á a ideia de que, apesar das semelhanças entre o aparelho burocrático metropolitano e americano, a prática política nos territórios extra-europeus revestia-se de um conjunto de especificidades que a diferenciavam de forma clara. Neste sentido, argumenta-se que estas mutações condicionavam igualmente quais seriam os interlocutores das coroas nas diferentes regiões. Ou seja, que uma mesma instância teria, nos territórios ultramarinos e peninsulares, graus de participação nos processos de negociação e articulação política consideravelmente diferentes, algo que de que os municípios são um bom exemplo. Para o efeito serão comparados aspectos como os ritmos da comunicação; o relevo de cada instância na comunicação com a coroa; o perfil dos indivíduos que, nos diferentes territórios, ocupavam os ofícios da malha administrativa; as dinâmicas de especialização de competências ou de concentração de funções num mesmo cargo; a conflitualidade institucional e a existência de iniciativas políticas de cariz supramunicipal; Abstract: This study deals with the political practice in different areas of the Iberian monarchies in the first half of the eighteenth century. The main object of study is the correspondence of four selected municipalities (Évora, Cordoba, Ouro Preto and Quito), and it aims to know in greater detail the variations of this same practice on different contexts. Starting from the idea that the political and administrative model implemented in America would, in essence, be modeled on the peninsular, the intent is to understand the changes resulting from this transfer. Throughout this work we will argue that, despite the similarities between the metropolitan and American bureaucracy, political practice in non-European territories possessed a set of characteristics that were very specific. In this sense, it is argued that these mutations would also determine which would be the interlocutors of the crowns in different regions. That is, if the same instance would, in the overseas and peninsular territories, have different levels of participation in the negotiation and in the political articulation processes, something that municipalities are a good example of. For this purpose, aspects such as the rhythms of communication; the importance of each instance in the correspondence with the crown; the profile of the individuals who, in different territories, occupied the offices of the administrative network; the dynamics of specialization or concentration of functions in the same position; the institutional conflicts and the existence of supramunicipal initiatives will be compared.

Critical discourse analysis and political economy of communication : understanding the new corporate order

This article uses critical discourse analysis to analyse material shifts in the political economy of communications. It examines texts of major corporations to describe four key changes in political economy: (1) the separation of ownership from control; (2) the separation of business from industry; (3) the separation of accountability from responsibility; and (4) the subjugation of ‘going concerns’ by overriding concerns. The authors argue that this amounts to a political economic shift from traditional concepts of ‘capitalism’ to a new ‘corporatism’ in which the relationships between public and private, state and individual interests have become redefined and obscured through new discourse strategies. They conclude that the present financial and regulatory ‘crisis’ cannot be adequately resolved without a new analytic framework for examining the relationships between corporation, discourse and political economy.

Critical discourse analysis and political economy of communication : understanding the new corporate order

This article uses critical discourse analysis to analyse material shifts in the political economy of communications. It examines texts of major corporations to describe four key changes in political economy: (1) the separation of ownership from control; (2) the separation of business from industry; (3) the separation of accountability from responsibility; and (4) the subjugation of ‘going concerns’ by overriding concerns. The authors argue that this amounts to a political economic shift from traditional concepts of ‘capitalism’ to a new ‘corporatism’ in which the relationships between public and private, state and individual interests have become redefined and obscured through new discourse strategies. They conclude that the present financial and regulatory ‘crisis’ cannot be adequately resolved without a new analytic framework for examining the relationships between corporation, discourse and political economy.

Communication and Political Crisis: Media, Politics and Governance in a Globalized Public Sphere

Communication and Political Crisis explores the role of the global media in a period of intensifying geopolitical conflict. Through case studies drawn from domestic and international political crises such as the conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine, leading media scholar Brian McNair argues that the digitized, globalized public sphere now confronted by all political actors has produced new opportunities for social progress and democratic reform, as well as new channels for state propaganda and terrorist spectaculars such as those performed by the Islamic State and Al Qaeda. In this major work, McNair argues that the role of digital communication will be crucial in determining the outcome of pressing global issues such as the future of feminism and gay rights, freedom of speech and media, and democracy itself.

After Charlie: free speech and the political economy of communication

Three significant events at the start of 2015 have put freedom of speech firmly on the global agenda. The first was the carry-over from the December 2014 illegal entry to the Sony Corporation’s file servers by anonymous hackers, believed to be linked to the North Korean regime. The second was the horrible attack on journalists, editors, and cartoonists at the French satirical magazine, Charlie Hebdo on 7 January. The third was the election of leftwing anti-austerity party Syrzia in Greece on 25 January.While each event is different in scope and size, they are important to scholars of the political economy of communication because they all speak to ongoing debates about freedom of expression, freedom of speech and freedom of the press. I name each of these concepts separately because, despite popular confusion, they are not the same thing (Patching and Hirst, 2014) . Freedom of expression is the right to individual self-expression through any means; it is an inalienable human right. Freedom of speech refers to the right (and the physical ability) to utter political speech, to say what others wish to repress and to demand a voice with which to express a range of social and political thoughts. Freedom of the press is a very particular version of freedom of expression that is intimately bound with the political economy of speech and of the printing press. Freedom of the press is impossible without the press and, despite its theoretical availability to all of us, this principle is impossible to articulate without the material means (usually money) to actually deploy a printing press (or the electronic means of broadcasting and publishing).Freedom of expression is immutable; freedom of speech subject to legal, ethical and ideological restriction (for better, or worse) and freedom of the press is peculiar to bourgeois society in that it entails the freedom to own and operate a press, not the right to say or publish on a level playing field. Access to freedom of the press is determined in the marketplace and is subject to the unequal power relationships that such determination implies.It is fitting to start with the Charlie Hebdo massacre because the loss of 17 lives makes this the most chilling of the three events and demands that it be given prominence in any analysis. No lives have been lost yet because Sony’s computers were hacked and the election of Syriza has not (yet) led to mass deaths in Greece.

The International Conference Education and Creativity for a Knowledge–based Society – Social and Political Scinces, Communication, Foreign Languages and Public Relations. Vienna, Osterreichish Rumanischer Akademischer Verein, 2012. VIth edition

No abstract.