HAMAS: ¿entre la táctica terrorista y la vía política?

El artículo muestra las disyuntivas en materia de política interna palestina a las que, con frecuencia, los líderes del HAMAS se enfrentan al momento de tomar una decisión con respecto a su relación con Israel en el contexto de la ocupación. Por un lado, el caso examina el papel de las influencias externas en el proceso de paz palestino-israelí y, por el otro, las presiones internas tanto de la población palestina como del gobierno de Israel, con respecto a las decisiones que debe tomar HAMAS ahora que ha dejado de ser oposición y se ha convertido en gobierno.-----This article shows the frequent dilemmas that the HAMAS leaders have to face in respect of the Palestinian internal policy at the time of making decisions regarding their relationship with Israel within the context of the occupation. This case examines on the one hand, the role of external influences in the Palestine-Israel peace process and, on the other hand, the internal pressures from both the Palestinian population and the Israeli government in regard of the decisions HAMAS has to make now that it has ceased to be in the opposition and has become the government.

La situación de los refugiados palestinos en el Líbano a partir del Acuerdo de Taif en la década de los 90.

El interés de esta monografía es analizar la situación en la que viven los refugiados palestinos en el Líbano a partir de las políticas impuestas por el gobierno desde la década de los 90. Se analiza y explica cómo un Estado con el fin de defender su seguridad nacional se convierte en una fuente de amenazas para la seguridad humana de ciertos individuos. A través de la perspectiva de Barry Buzan se busca explicar el proceso de securitización por medio del cual los refugiados palestinos son vistos como una amenaza existencial para la seguridad nacional libanesa.

La incidencia de las políticas de seguridad implementadas por el estado de Israel en el proceso de radicalización de la sociedad palestina de la Franja de Gaza

El presente trabajo busca analizar el proceso de radicalización de la sociedad palestina de la Franja de Gaza con el objetivo de responder a la pregunta, ¿de qué manera las políticas de seguridad implementadas por el Estado de Israel han influenciado dicho proceso? Para esto, en la primera parte se caracterizarán las diferentes políticas de seguridad implementadas por el Estado de Israel en dicho territorio, en la segunda parte se caracterizará el proceso de radicalización de la sociedad palestina de la Franja de Gaza. El objetivo de dicha caracterización es analizar, a través de la teoría de Relaciones Internacionales, denominada como Constructivismo, el fenómeno de la radicalización con el fin de estar en capacidad de afirmar o refutar que las políticas de seguridad impuestas por Israel en la Franja de Gaza tienen incidencia en la generación del fenómeno de la radicalización.

Enfermedad tiroidea autoinmune en pacientes colombianos con lupus eritematoso sistémico

Objetivos: Determinar la prevalencia y los factores asociados con el desarrollo de hipotiroidismo autoinmune (HA) en una cohorte de pacientes con lupus eritematoso sistémico (LES), y analizar la información actual en cuanto a la prevalencia e impacto de la enfermedad tiroidea autoinmune y la autoinmunidad tiroidea en pacientes con LES. Métodos: Este fue un estudio realizado en dos pasos. Primero, un total de 376 pacientes con LES fueron evaluados sistemáticamente por la presencia de: 1) HA confirmado, 2) positividad para anticuerpos tiroperoxidasa/tiroglobulina (TPOAb/TgAb) sin hipotiroidismo, 3) hipotiroidismo no autoinmune, y 4) pacientes con LES sin hipotiroidismo ni positividad para TPOAb/TgAb. Se construyeron modelos multivariados y árboles de regresión y clasificación para analizar los datos. Segundo, la información actual fue evaluada a través de una revisión sistemática de la literatura (RLS). Se siguieron las guías PRISMA para la búsqueda en las bases de datos PubMed, Scopus, SciELO y Librería Virtual en Salud. Resultados: En nuestra cohorte, la prevalencia de HA confirmado fue de 12% (Grupo 1). Sin embargo, la frecuencia de positividad para TPOAb y TgAb fue de 21% y 10%, respectivamente (Grupo 2). Los pacientes con LES sin HA, hipotiroidismo no autoinmune ni positividad para TPOAb/TgAb constituyeron el 40% de la corhorte. Los pacientes con HA confirmada fueron estadísticamente significativo de mayor edad y tuvieron un inicio tardío de la enfermedad. El tabaquismo (ORA 6.93, IC 95% 1.98-28.54, p= 0.004), la presencia de Síndrome de Sjögren (SS) (ORA 23.2, IC 95% 1.89-359.53, p= 0.015) y la positividad para anticuerpos anti-péptido cíclico citrulinado (anti-CCP) (ORA 10.35, IC 95% 1.04-121.26, p= 0.047) se asociaron con la coexistencia de LES-HA, ajustado por género y duración de la enfermedad. El tabaquismo y el SS fueron confirmados como factores predictivos para LES-HA (AUC del modelo CART = 0.72). En la RSL, la prevalencia de ETA en LES varío entre 1% al 60%. Los factores asociados con esta poliautoinmunidad fueron el género femenino, edad avanzada, tabaquismo, positividad para algunos anticuerpos, SS y el compromiso articular y cutáneo. Conclusiones: La ETA es frecuente en pacientes con LES, y no afecta la severidad del LES. Los factores de riesgo identificados ayudarán a los clínicos en la búsqueda de ETA. Nuestros resultados deben estimular políticas para la suspensión del tabaquismo en pacientes con LES.

Between the headlines of the Israeli - Arabic conflict: the coverage of CNN and Al Jazeera

The purpose of this article is to analyze the coverage made by CNN and Al Jazeera (in Arabic) to operation Caste Lead and the Goldstone Report during 2008 and 2009. This investigation is based in the theory of Qualitative Analysis of Content, by Wildemuth and Zhang. The methodology follows up with the one proposed by the authors in the main theory, complementing it with the Gamson and Modigliani´s Framing theory. The methodology mention above display the different in the coverage development, determined by the geopolitical influences; being CNN more influenced by a Western pro USA and pro Israeli speech, while Al Jazeera is more prone to support the Palestinian cause, this is the thesis of this article. During the development of the investigation, the thesis was demonstrated to be only partially accurate as CNN was not completely supportive to the Israeli arguments during the coverage, but Al Jazeera did have preferential speech for the Palestinian cause.

La pelota no se mancha: Un estudio histórico sobre el desarrollo y la política en FIFA

Esta investigación se centra en la Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) como organización política. Intenta responder dos interrogantes primordiales: 1) ¿cómo la FIFA ha constituido el poder que tiene actualmente y, así, hacerse del monopolio indiscutido del fútbol? Y 2) ¿cómo ha cambiado en el tiempo la política interna de FIFA y su vínculo con la política internacional? Para lograr esto, se realiza un estudio histórico, basado principalmente en documentos, que intenta caracterizar y analizar los cambios de la organización en el tiempo. Se enfatizan las últimas dos presidencias de FIFA, de João Havelange y Joseph Blatter, como casos de estudio.

La influencia del derecho universal a la libre autodeterminación de los pueblos en la construcción de las Relaciones Bilaterales entre Palestina e Israel (1993-2004)

Esta monografía se enfoca en el papel que ha tenido el derecho a la libre autodeterminación de los pueblos en la construcción de las relaciones bilaterales entre Palestina e Israel, en uno de los periodos tal vez más fructíferos de la historia de las dos naciones, comprendido entre 1993 y 2004. Por medio del análisis de ciertos eventos históricos y manifestaciones del derecho a la libre autodeterminación de los pueblos durante del periodo de estudio seleccionado, se busca explicar cómo éstos han repercutido en la relación de ambos pueblos. Este análisis hace uso del enfoque constructivista de Alexander Wendt como herramienta que permite una aproximación teórica que considera, que la construcción de relaciones entre los diferentes agentes del Sistema Internacional son las ideas y creencias compartidas y no únicamente las capacidades materiales.

Western Britain in late antiquity

The relevance of the concept of ‘Late Antiquity’ to fifth- and sixth-century Western Britain is demonstrated with reference to the archaeology of the British kingdom of Dumnonia, and then used to reinterpret portable material culture. Themes discussed include the dating of Palestinian amphorae in Britain, the extent of the settlement at Tintagel, tin as a motivation for Byzantine trade, the re-use of Roman-period artefacts, and ‘Anglo-Saxon’ artefacts on Western British sites. The central paradoxes of Late Antiquity: simultaneous conservatism and fluidity, continuity and innovation, are seen to illuminate ‘Dark Age’ Britain and offer new avenues for future research.

National experiences with insurgencies and counterinsurgencies: are there “National styles”?

There are clearly identifiable patterns in the way in which insurgents operate in certain geographic areas and cultures, and in which states deal with them. These have been stressed by writing about national "ways of war", strategic culture, or national styles. Nevertheless, there have been important ruptures and changes in some of these, so that for Britain, for example, three successive phases corresponding to patterns can be identified. For France, two pronounced rivaling traditions coincided over two centuries. Algerians by contrast changed fundamentally in their fighting style with the different political ideologies they were following. Palestinian insurgency against Israel is also marked by change in approach. Russia and China possibly show the longest continuity in their handling of insurgencies.

No asylum for “Infiltrators”: the legal predicament of Eritrean and Sudanese nationals in Israel

This article explores the precarious status of Eritrean and Sudanese nationals in Israel. Having crossed the Israeli-Egyptian border without authorisation and not through an official border crossing, Israeli law defines such individuals as ‘infiltrators’, a charged term which dates back to border-crossings into Israel by Palestinian Fedayeen in the 1950s. Eritreans and Sudanese nationals constitute over 90 percent of ‘infiltrators’ in Israel. Their livelihood is curtailed through hostility, sanctions, and detention, while (at the time of writing) Israel refrains from deporting them to their respective countries of origin, recognising that such forced removal could expose them to risks to their lives and/or freedom. Israel was the 10th state to ratify the 1951 Refugee Convention, and has acceded to its 1967 Protocol which removed the 1951 Convention’s temporal and geographic restrictions, yet it has not incorporated these treaties into its domestic law not has it enacted primary legislation that sets eligibility criteria for ‘refugee’ status and regulates the treatment of asylum-seekers. Israeli law also fails to accord subsidiary protection status to persons that the state considers to be non-removable, whether or not they satisfy the definition of a ‘refugee’ under the 1951 Convention. Absent legal recognition of ‘refugee’, ‘asylum-seeker’, and ‘beneficiary of subsidiary protection’ statuses, Eritreans and Sudanese nationals are left in legal limbo for an indefinite period qua irregular non-removable persons. This article takes stock of their legal predicament.

Isotopic evidence for the late Brasiliano (500-550 Ma) ore-forming mineralization of the Araes gold deposit, Brazil

The Araes gold deposit, located in eastern Mato Grosso State, central Brazil, is hosted in Neoproterozoic volcanosedimentary rocks of the Paraguay belt, which formed during collision of the Amazonian craton and the Rio Apa block. Ar-40/Ar-39 geochronology and Pb and S isotopic analyses constrain the timing and sources of mineralization. Three biotite flakes from two samples of metavolcanic host rock yield Ar-40/Ar-39 plateau ages between 5941 and 531 Ma, interpreted as cooling ages following regional metamorphism. Clay minerals from a hydrothermal alteration zone yield an Ar-40/Ar-39 integrated age of 503 +/- 3 Ma. Galena grains from ore-bearing veins yield values of Pb-206/(204)pb from 17.952 to 18.383, Pb-207/Pb-204 from 15.156 to 15.811, and Pb-208/Pb-204 from 38.072 to 39.681. Pyrite grains from ore-bearing veins yield values of Pb-206/Pb-204 from 18.037 to 18.202, Pb-207/Pb-204 from 15.744 to 15.901., and Pb-208/(204)pb from 38.338 to 38.800. Pb isotope variations may be explained in terms of mixing a less radiogenic lead component (mu similar to 8.4) from mafic and ultramafic basement host-rocks (Nova Xavantina metavolcanosedimentary rocks) and a more radiogenic lead component (mu similar to 9.2) probably derived from supracrustal rocks (Cuiaba sedimentary groups). Sulfur isotope compositions are homogeneous, with delta S-34 values ranging from -1.1 parts per thousand to 0.9 parts per thousand (galena) and -0.7 parts per thousand to 0.9 parts per thousand (pyrite), suggesting a mantle-derived reservoir for the mineralizing solutions. Based on the Ar, Pb, and S isotope data, we suggest that the precious metals were remobilized from metavolcanic host rocks by hydrothermal solutions during Brasilide-Panafrican regional metamorphism. The Arabs gold deposit probably formed during a late stage of the orogeny, coeval with other mineralization events in the Paraguay Belt.

Utmaningen från andra berättelser : En studie om moraliskt omdöme, utvidgat tänkande och kritiskt reflekterande berättelser i dialogbaserad feministisk etik

The present study has a threefold aim: First, the theoretical aim is to give a contribution to refinement of the theory of dialogue based feminist ethics, concerning the understanding of judgment and narration within such an ethics.  The study also has an empirical aim, defined as to clarify what kind of knowledge, relevant to the moral judgment of an engaged outsider actor, can be received from dialogical interpretation and analysis of a limited selection of critically reflecting life stories. Third, a methodological aim is defined as to develop an approach to interpretation and analysis of reflecting life stories, which renders the storyteller visible as a reflecting moral subject, and makes the story accessible as a source of knowledge for the moral judgment of an engaged outsider actor. The thesis combines philosophical reflection and argumentation, with a narrative-hermeneutic method for interpretation of life stories, relating the two to each other in a hermeneutic process.  The theoretical reflection draws on Seyla Benhabibs theory of communicative ethics. A dialogue based model for moral justification and a likewise dialogue based model for political legitimacy are at the heart of this universalistic theory, although in combination with a conception of a narratively and hermeneutically constituted context sensitive moral judgment, based on Hannah Arendt’s concept “enlarged thought”. In the reflection, this model is related to other feminist theorizing within the tradition of dialogue based feminist ethics, as found in the works of Iris M. Young, Georgia Warnke and Shari Stone-Mediatore. The empirical study draws on three critically reflecting life stories from Israeli-Palestinian women activists for a just peace. The methodology for interpretation and analysis that is worked out combines dialogical interpretation as presented in Arthur W. Frank’s socio-narratology with a method for structural analysis derived from Shari Stone-Mediatores theory of storytelling as an expression of political resistance struggle. The results show that some stories drawing on marginalized experiences have a potential­ to stimulate further public debate through their capacity to enable a stereoscopic seeing, elucidating a tension between ideologically structured discourse and non-linguistic experience; implying that narrative-hermeneutic competence should be considered crucial for public debate.  

The Long Game: Hamas, The IRA, and the Politics of Radicalization in Palestine and Northern Ireland

The value of a comparative study of the two conflicts stems from a remarkable similarity in the structural organization of political violence by its most influential practitioners: the IRA and Hamas. At the core, I have merely tried my best to approach a beguiling question in a fresh, dynamic way. The stultifying discourse of conflict that serves as lingua franca for the Israeli‐Palestinian issue has largely reduced strategic debate to how best the conflict can be managed – not ended. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s focus on “economic peace” and unwillingness to commit to a two‐state solution – the consensus that has governed peacemaking for decades – belies such thinking. The Clinton Administration’s cadre of Mideast negotiators operated amidst the most rapid institutionalization of Palestinian democracy in history ‐ yet remained obsessed with Israeli‐Arab “confidence‐building” measures, doing little to legitimize the gains of Oslo. So long as Palestinians continue to view the creation of Israel as “al‐Nakba” – the catastrophe – whilst successive Israeli governments refuse to grant their aspirations any legitimacy, there can be no progress. Peace requires empathy, a substantial compromise in the context of internecine conflict. The “long war” both conflicts have become mandates an equally expansive, broad‐based and labor‐intensive approach – a demanding process that can only be called The Long Game.

Palestinos no extremo sul do Brasil : identidade étnica e os mecanismos de produção da etnicidade. Chuí/RS

Este trabalho trata da identidade palestina e dos processos sociais de construção de identidade étnica observados no extremo sul do Brasil. Focaliza os processos de recriação de tradições e as negociações sociais que agiram no sentido de configurar um grupo étnico. Este estudo é uma etnografia desenvolvida a partir da observação participante e da análise de documentos produzidos pelos entrevistados que vivem na Chuí (Rio Grande do Sul) na fronteira entre Brasil e Uruguai. Através da investigação de uma das falas recorrentes - “aqui é tudo palestino” -, revela-se o universo de situações sociais e negociações que configuram uma identidade social e os conflitos envolvidos na produção de uma “comunidade árabe” como um grupo minoritário. Analisa-se as expressões da identidade social relativas a um reconhecimento como palestinos, focalizando as diversas ações empreendidas do início da década de 80 até o fim dos anos 90. O estudo aborda os mecanismos e processos sociais que deram vitalidade à identidade social e à proeminência de uma identidade étnica, entre eles: as viagens à Palestina e o modo como estas viagens incidem sobre a descoberta da identidade palestina; as festas de casamentos que estreitam laços entre famílias e que reverberam na produção de uma “família árabe”; e o interesse pela política partidária local como um palco específico em que uma identidade social se configura como identidade étnica, traçando fronteiras simbólicas e revitalizando a preocupação com os destinos e lideranças da “comunidade árabe”.

O Brasil, o Império Otomano e a Sociedade Internacional: contrastes e conexões (1850-1919)

Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar a forma como o Brasil e o buscaram se inserir na sociedade internacional europeia – nos moldes Inglesa de Relações Internacionais a define - no período que vai da a assinatura da Lei Eusébio de Queiroz do lado brasileiro e do tratado de Império Otomano, até a criação da Liga das Nações, em 1919. Estes são como “impérios periféricos” ao centro europeu, integrando o grupo que não eram nem colônias, nem potências no período em tela. Assim, contrastar os esforços feitos por Brasil e Império Otomano em utilizar o internacional e a diplomacia – formal e não-formal –, e as formas de transformações que empreenderam em suas capitais visando serem “civilizados”. Por outro lado, chama-se atenção para as conexões que se entre Brasil e Império Otomano justamente em função dessa maior Europa. Estas conexões são analisadas então em duas fases. Uma tentativas formais de relações diplomáticas, chamada de “relações envolveu inclusive viagens de D. Pedro II a domínios otomanos. A vinda de súditos otomanos – gregos, armênios, judeus e árabes – para o Brasil e de novas relações diplomáticas travadas.