993 resultados para Northern Irish


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Northern Ireland has been considered a conflict-resolution success story. The 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement provided a framework for managing a long-standing ethnonational conflict, and has ushered in relative political stability. The consociational features of the Northern Ireland Assembly can be seen either as necessary for managing conflict or as institutionalizing sectarianism so that politics along left–right lines cannot emerge. Although there is evidence for the development of a “Northern Irish” identity to counter competing British and Irish identities, Northern Ireland is a long way from transcending the sectarian structures that shape almost all aspects of social and political life. Northern Ireland remains segregated along religious lines and is also prone to tensions around the anniversaries of atrocities and the public use of symbols and rituals. The failure to systematically “deal with the past” through public information recovery and truth-telling mechanisms also seems to have hindered progress toward reconciliation.

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Over the past few decades, the early medieval Easter controversy has increasingly been portrayed as a conflict between the ‘Celtic’ and the ‘Roman’ churches, limiting the geographical extent of this most vibrant debate to Britain and Ireland (with the exception of the disputes caused by Columbanus’ appearance on the Continent). Both are not the case. Before c.AD 800, there was no unanimity within the ‘Roman’ cause. Two ‘Roman’ Easter reckonings existed, which could not be reconciled, one invented by Victorius of Aquitaine in AD 457, the other being the Alexandrian system as translated into Latin by Dionysius Exiguus in AD 525. The conflict between followers of Victorius and adherents of Dionysius occurred in Visigothic Spain first, reached Ireland in the second half of the 7th century, and finally dominated the intellectual debate in Francia in the 8th century. This article will focus on the Irish dimension of this controversy. It is argued that the southern Irish clergy introduced the Victorian reckoning in the AD 630s and strictly adhered to that system until the end of the 7th century. When Adomnan, the abbot of Iona, converted to Dionysius in the late AD 680s and convinced most of the northern Irish churches to follow his example, this caused considerable tension with southern Irish followers of Victorius, as is impressively witnessed by the computistical literature of the time, especially the texts produced in AD 689. From this literature, the issues debated at the time are reconstructed. This analysis has serious consequences for how we read Irish history towards the end of the 7th century; rather than bringing the formerly ‘Celtic’ northern Irish clergy in line with southern Irish ‘Roman’ practise, Adomnan added a new dimension to the conflict.

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The macrosystem refers to the overarching patterns that influence behavior at each level of the social ecology (Bronfenbrenner, 1977), making it a necessary component for assessing human development in contexts of political violence. This article proposes a method for systematically measuring the macrosystem in Northern Ireland that allows for a subnational analysis, multiple time units, and indicators of both low-level violence and positive relations. Articles were randomly chosen for each weekday in 2006-2011 from two prominent Northern Irish newspapers and coded according to their reflection of positive relations and political tensions between Catholics and Protestants. The newspaper data were then compared to existing macro-level measurements in Northern Ireland. We found that the newspaper data provided a more nuanced understanding of fluctuations in intergroup relations than the corresponding measures. This has practical implications for peacebuilding and advances our methods for assessing the impact of macro-level processes on individual development.

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It is generally accepted that education has a significant role to play in anysociety transitioning from conflict to a more peaceful dispensation. Indeed,some have argued that the education system potentially represents the singlemost effective agent of social change with the capacity to bridge ethnicdivision in conflict affected countries. Despite the potential, educationalpolicy-makers grapple with the dilemma as to precisely how school systemscan best facilitate this agenda. This paper thus attempts to shed lightupon the dilemma by exploring pupil identity and associated intergroupattitudes across various school types in Northern Ireland. Five schools wereselected for the study with each one representing a particular sector withinthe Northern Irish education system (maintained grammar, maintainedsecondary, controlled grammar, controlled secondary, integrated). This led toa total sample size of 265 pupils. The main findings show that children acrossseparate Catholic, separate Protestant and mixed Catholic and Protestanteducational contexts construct and interpret identity differently. At thesame time, our data suggest that no one school setting has supremacy inpromoting social cohesion. The implications of these findings are discussed.

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Little academic attention has been given to the study of Northern Irish Euroscepticism despite the fact that it is a unique and interesting example of citizens’ relationships with the EU. Northern Irish Euroscepticism is defined by the divergence in attitudes towards European integration between Catholics and Protestants. This is a divide that is rooted in historical and religious interpretations of the project, as well as the widespread belief that membership of the EU will somehow lead to a united Ireland. Membership in the EU has not had a significant political impact on Northern Ireland, with citizens’ attitudes being largely characterised by a clear lack of interest in the project. Participation at the European level provided limited opportunity for cooperation by both sides while it may be argued that European elections contributed to the sectarian divide.

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While the impact of the Troubles retains centrality within much of Northern Irish political life, the spectre of almost daily violence is becoming a more distant memory. Peace has come to the region. In spite of this, however, there are those who wish to maintain the utility of violence to achieve their stated aims. Most dominant amongst these are the violent dissident republican groups. No longer is their existence solely defined by their desire to bring about a united Ireland. In order to have any opportunity of longevity, they must first legitimise their continued existence, and in turn distance themselves from their former Provisional comrades. This paper assesses how groups, such as the Continuity IRA, Óglaigh na hÉireann and the IRA/New IRA utilise the lessons learned from their Provisional history to differentiate themselves from the politicised dominance of Sinn Féin. This evaluation is carried out through the analysis of interviews with leadership and rank and file members of both political and paramilitary dissident groupings, which is complimented by the analysis of the Violent Dissident Republican (VDR) events database. These sources are supplemented with the assessment of organisational statements, from 2007 to the present day. The article focuses on violent, and non-violent, learning.

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Discusses her film, For the Record, the making of which was funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council. The research material used in the making of FOR THE RECORD consists of official records, private diaries, personal testimony, historical expert interviews and archive footage - all related to the Internment period 1956-1960 in Northern Ireland. Through the use of clips from the film and footage that did not make it into the final cut, this talk examines how selected material is used and to what purpose. FOR THE RECORD is a film about a daughter documenting a period in her father's life and centres on PJ McClean's prison diary, secretly written on the inside of envelopes during the first 30 days in his cell. This brings the viewer into the intimate space of personal testimony. This intimacy is also reflected in the interviews between father and daughter. Throughout the film the diaries are illustrated by experimental Super8 and 16mm footage shot by the filmmaker, over a period of 10 years, of home life. The film unravels the complex story of internment; the why, the how and the ‘for what’? Official records obtained from the Public Records Office Northern Ireland (which have been closed to the public for the past fifty years) combine with archive footage of the then Northern Irish Prime Minister, Basil Brookeborough, to give a wider political perspective to this personal testament. FOR THE RECORD deals with memory, memorabilia and the question of testimony in a complex political landscape. [From the Author]

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We investigated long-term spatial variability in a number of Harmful Algal Blooms (HABs) in the northeast Atlantic and North Sea using data from the Continuous Plankton Recorder. Over the last four decades, some dinoflagellate taxa showed pronounced variation in the south and east of the North Sea, with the most significant increases being restricted to the adjacent waters off Norway. There was also a general decrease along the eastern coast of the United Kingdom. The most prominent feature in the interannual bloom frequencies over the last four decades was the anomalously high values recorded in the late 1980s in the northern and central North Sea areas. The only mesoscale area in the northeast Atlantic to show a significant increase in bloom formation over the last decade was the Norwegian coastal region. The changing spatial patterns of HAB taxa and the frequency of bloom formation are discussed in relation to regional climate change, in particular, changes in temperature, salinity, and the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO). Areas highly vulnerable to the effects of regional climate change on HABs are Norwegian coastal waters and the Skagerrak. Other vulnerable areas include Danish coastal waters, and to a lesser extent, the German and Dutch Bight and the northern Irish Sea. Quite apart from eutrophication, our results give a preview of what might happen to certain HAB genera under changing climatic conditions in temperate environments and their responses to variability of climate oscillations such as the NAO.

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It has been suggested that genetic influences unmasked during neurodevelopment to produce schizophrenia may appear throughout neurodegeneration to produce AD plus psychosis. Risk of schizophrenia and psychosis in Alzheimer's disease (AD) has been linked to polymorphic variation at the dopamine receptor DRD3 gene implying similar causative mechanisms. We tested this association in a large cohort of Alzheimer's disease patients with a diagnosis of probable AD of 3 years or more duration from the relatively genetically homogenous Northern Irish population. We assessed relationships between genotypes/alleles of the DRD3 BalI polymorphism and the presence or absence of psychotic symptoms (delusions, hallucinations) in AD patients during the month prior to interview and at any stage during the dementia. No significant associations were found when delusions and hallucinations were cross-tabulated against S and G alleles and SS, SG and GG genotypes. Logistic regression failed to detect any influence of APOE, gender, family history or prior psychiatric history. In conclusion, we were unable to confirm previously reported associations between the DRD3 BalI polymorphism and psychotic symptoms in AD.

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Muldoon’s poetry frequently explores states of being ‘in-between’ and this can plausibly be related to his Catholic Northern Irish identity. He seems to be aware of the effects comprised in Derrida’s concept of différance, one version of which is the entre (‘between’). Nevertheless, Muldoon is more interested in exploring the experience of postmodernity than in offering a theory, or relating it to one culture. But this exploration has as many similarities with the concerns of existentialism and phenomenology as with deconstruction. Poems from Why Brownlee Left to Moy Sand and Gravel are discussed, and topics addressed include the South American exotic (new sources are suggested) and the troping on yarrow (compare Derrida’s pharmakon) in The Annals of Chile. Formal effects of repetition and difference reflect the themes. The redemption of repetition is studied with the help both of Kierkegaard and of Muldoon’s thoughts on the ‘magic mist’ of Irish romance.

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Multi-drug resistance (MDR) may compromise the successful management of haematological malignancies, impairing the effectiveness of chemotherapy. The P-glycoprotein (P-gp) drug efflux pump, encoded by the gene ABCB1 (MDR1), is the most widely studied component in MDR. A single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) has been identified within ABCB1, rs1045642 (C3435T), which may alter P-gp substrate specificity and have an impact on the effectiveness of treatment, and hence overall survival (OS). We estimated the frequency of this SNP in the Northern Irish population and investigated its impact on the OS of patients with plasma cell myeloma (PCM). There was no significant difference in the frequency of rs1045642 between the PCM cohort and an age- and gender-matched control population. Findings within the PCM cohort suggest that rs1045642 genotype influences OS (p = 2 x 10(-2)). If confirmed in larger studies, these results suggest that genotyping rs1045642 may be a useful predictor of outcome in PCM and could indicate modified treatment modalities in certain individuals.

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Some 10 years ago one of the authors embarked on a research study examining the potential for social workers to shift from a child protection to a child welfare practice orientation (Spratt, 2000; 2001; Spratt and Callan, 2004). The research reported here develops that work; examining how social workers respond to ‘child care problems’ (CCPs). The results indicate that Northern Irish Health and Social Services Trusts (equivalent to Local Authorities in England and Wales) have responded to social policy goals to balance the protection of a lesser number of children whilst meeting the welfare needs of the greater by reducing the number of referrals designated ‘child protection investigations’ (CPIs) and increasing the number of CCPs. Closer analysis reveals, however, that a filtering system has been developed by social workers to address perceived child protection risks within CCP cases. Paradoxically, this leads to early closure of the more concerning cases, with service provision largely confined to the least concerning. The authors argue that the ways in which social workers balance social policing and supportive functions in practice may indicate possible responses to an increase in referred families anticipated within Every Child Matters (Chief Secretary to the Treasury, 2003).

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Sydney playwright Lachlan Philpott’s Bison (2000/2009) is immersed in a sweaty, summery Antipodean scene of bronzed and toned bodies. It is located in the flora and fauna of gum trees and biting ants. Yet, despite this, it could be argued that at its heart it is not a specifically Australian site, but an all-too translatable scene that seems to be played out in gay clubs, bars, chatrooms and saunas around the Western world: men repeating patterns, looking for sex or love; checking out bodies, craving perfection; avoiding, and occasionally seeking, disease. At least, that was my assumption when I decided to direct the play in Belfast, Northern Ireland, in 2009. Philpott came to Belfast to workshop the play with the actors and, as a group, we restructured the play and tried to find a way to ‘de-Australianise’ it without necessarily placing it in a new geographical place - Northern Ireland - through linguistic clues in the text. As Philpott put it: ‘Let’s not make this play about Belfast or Sydney or London or anywhere because it is not a fair reflection of these scenes. Maybe we should just identify the generic elements of this world and then make Bison a play that reflects gaytown – because the rituals are all the same in Western society’. The experience of doing the play in Belfast made clear, however, that ideas of a global gay identity/experience –though highly marketed – fail to account for the vastly different situations of embodied gay experience. And the Northern Irish gay experience, while it has imported the usual ‘generic’ tropes of gayness, sits within a specific cultural context in which the farsighted legislation on equality for gays (imposed by either London or the EU) vastly outstrips wider societal thinking. For many in Northern Ireland, erstwhile MP Iris Robinson’s comments about homosexuality being an ‘abomination’ were a reason to support her, rather than to reject her. For me, the comments were the catalyst to doing Bison in Belfast.

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The research described in this article aimed to explore and examine the dominant ‘assessment’ and ‘participation’ stories of upper-primary pupils with long-standing and marked literacy learning needs, their views on how their level of participation in the assessment and remediation of their additional needs might be increased and also how they perceive themselves as literacy learners. This qualitative small-scale study adopted a case study approach and utilised creative methodologies in the context of focus groups to investigate sensitively theviews and experiences of Key Stage 2 pupils with additional needs in literacy. The findings discussed here are based on the outcomes from the four Northern Irish schools that participated in the original cross-border (Northern Ireland/Republic of Ireland) study. Findings are discussed in the context of strategies for promotingholistic and empowering pathways for learners with additional needs in literacy.