976 resultados para Nightingale, Florence, 1820-1910.


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Este projecto de investigação constitui-se por um levantamento e análise da produção teórica (Morato, Pedroso, Gomes da Silva, Solano, Silva Leite, Varela, Fonseca, Marques e Silva e Totti) e de métodos de cariz prático (Mazza, Perez, J. J Santos, Sousa Carvalho, Solano, Policarpo e Marcos Portugal) relacionados ao baixo contínuo em Portugal entre 1735 e 1820. Contextualizando a produção teórica nacional com as influências espanholas, italianas e francesas, e a grande produção portuguesa de partimentos e solfejos com acompanhamento, que é contextualizada com a matriz napolitana.

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Trabalho que investiga a recepção dos Kinder - und Hausmärchen em Portugal, fruto duma aturada e minuciosa pesquisa documental. Com efeito, Teresa Cortez passa em revista os livros e publicações periódicas enquadrados entre 1837 — data do aparecimento das primeiras traduções de contos dos KHM, no periódico lisboeta Biblioteca Familiar e Recreativa — e 1910, data a que a autora estendeu a sua pesquisa. Cada incidência da presença dos contos dos Grimm em Portugal é cuidadosamente investigada, contextualisada e analisada, Assim, à medida que vemos surgir, primeiro esparsas em revistas destinadas a um público infantil, e sem indicação de autoria, traduções (do francês) dos KHM, vamo-nos inteirando sobre o epírito e motivações do seu aparecimento, quer partindo do estudo comparativo com o texto de origem, quer de um exame da publicação de chegada, alargando-se a pesquisa aos seus editores e autores. Todo o processo de recepção dos contos de Grimm vai sendo examinado pela autora à luz dos movimentos das últimas décadas do séc. XIX e primeira do séc. XX, nomeadamente o nacionalismo neo-romântico e o positivismo.

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This is a document written by the Chesterfield County Library listing books and materials sent from Cheraw to the Florence Library mending unit.

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Tese de mestrado, Arte, Património e Teoria do Restauro, Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2011

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This document contains a speech of David Wyatt Aiken, representative of South Carolina, to the House of Representatives on Tuesday, March 22, 1910. Much of the speech is a letter from Zach McGhee, Washington correspondent of The State newspaper on industrial conditions in England and Europe.

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Tese apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Doutor em História Económica e Social Contemporânea

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Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências Musicais na especialidade de Ciências Musicais Históricas

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The aim of this article is to examine the composition and patterns of recruitment of the ministries’directors-general, as well as to assess the interconnections between bureaucracy and politics, from the beginnings of Regeneração (1851) until the breakdown of Monarchy (1910). The post of director-general was considered one of “political trust”, that might be filled by individuals from outside the civil service, and the selection and de-selection of officeholders depended exclusively on the ministers’ will. Nonetheless, most directors-general were experienced bureaucrats, boasting a steady career as civil servants, and remained in office for long terms, regardless of ministerial discontinuities. In other words, High Administration became relatively immune to party-driven politics. Due to their professional background and lengthy tenure, directors-general were usually highly skilled specialists, combining technical expertise and practical knowledge of the wheels of state bureaucracy. Hence, they were often influential actors in policy-making, playing an active (and sometimes decisive) part behind the scenes, in both designing and implementing government policies. As regards their social profile, directors-general formed a cohesive and homogeneous elite group: being predominantly drawn from urban middle class milieus, highly educated, and appointed to office in their forties.

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Tese apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Doutor em Ciência Política/Elites e Pensamento Político

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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

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O mercado da edição de livros convoca no seu entorno uma série de atores sociais que cumprem funções e papéis distintos, mas interconectados, que confluem num ponto: o da divulgação e disponibilização de conteúdos culturais a um determinado público. Este objetivo resulta sempre numa certa configuração geográfica conforme os grupos que se pretendem alcançar, bem como as estratégias que lhe subjazem. Assim, os conteúdos que são disponibilizados não se revestem de um caráter de neutralidade, procurando, ao invés, uma intervenção (ainda que não explícita ou consciente) na opinião pública. Deste modo, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo a caracterização do mercado editorial lisboeta no período final da Monarquia e o aferimento da ligação existente entre aquele e algumas questões que afetavam a opinião pública de então, constituindo debates sociais e culturais de relevo. O ângulo de análise escolhido é o do religioso, porquanto este se constitui como elemento nodal de estudo da sociedade portuguesa, na transição entre os séculos XIX e XX.