853 resultados para National security - Japan


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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: 1., hyper militarization, 2., intimidation, 3., coercion, 4., criminalization, 5., panoptic surveillance, 6., plenary security measures, and 7., unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: 1., official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; 2., militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and 3., case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-a-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

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After the triple disaster of 11 March 2011, Japan is at an energy crossroad. In the short and medium run it depends on fossil fuel imports to ensure its energy security, but the long term will be determined by the decisions taken at present. For Japan energy security is a national security challenge, as stated in its National Security Strategy. The article reviews the Japanese nuclear path, studies the factors shaping the Japanese electricity market and analyzes the current energy situation. Moreover, it also assesses the principles that have marked Japan’s energy policy and the two last Strategic Energy Plans -one prior to Fukushima and the other after it- before tackling the debate on the optimal future energy mix that Japan should adopt to meet its energy security trilemma, marked by its environmental commitment.

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The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), nuclear, biological and chemical (NBC) is one of the main security challenges facing the international community today. However the new Global Security Strategy of 2016 raises the question of non-proliferation of WMD only as an incidental matter, not addressing directly the threat, a fundamental threat in the regional and global security. This is a clear step backwards for the European common security.

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The text analyses the intelligence activity against Poland in the period 1944-1989. The paper also contains a case study, i.e. an analysis of the American intelligence service activity held against Poland. While examining the research thesis, the author used the documents and analyses prepared by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In order to best illustrate the point, the author presented a number of cases of persons who spied for the USA, which was possible thanks to the analysis of the training materials of the Ministry of Internal Affairs directed to the officers of the Security Service and the Citizens’ Militia. The text tackles the following issues: (1) to what extent did the character of the socio-political system influence the number of persons convicted for espionage against Poland in the period under examination?, (2) what was the level of interest of the foreign intelligence services in Poland before the year 1990?, (3) is it possible to indicate the specificity of the U.S. intelligence activity against Poland? 1) The analysis of data indicates that the period 1946-1956 witnessed a great number of convictions for espionage, which is often associated with the peculiar political situation in Poland of that time. Up to 1953, the countries of the Eastern bloc had reproduced the Stalin’s system, which only ceased due to the death of Stalin himself. Since then, the communist systems gradually transformed into the system of nomenklatura. Irrespective of these changes, Poland still witnessed a wave of repressions, which resulted from the threats continuously looming over the communist authorities – combating the anti-communist underground movement, fighting with the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, the Polish government-in-exile, possible revisionism of borders, social discontent related to the socio-political reforms. Hence, a great number of convictions for espionage at that time could be ascribed to purely political sentences. Moreover, equally significant was the fact that the then judicial practice was preoccupied assessing negatively any contacts and relations with foreigners. This excessive number of convictions could ensue from other criminal-law provisions, which applied with respect to the crimes against the State, including espionage. What is also important is the fact that in the Stalin’s period the judiciary personnel acquired their skills and qualifications through intensive courses in law with the predominant spirit of the theory of evidence and law by Andrey Vyshinsky. Additionally, by the decree of 1944 the Penal Code of the Polish Armed Forces was introduced; the code envisaged the increase in the number of offences classified as penalised with death penalty, whereas the high treason was subject to the military jurisdiction (the civilians were prosecuted in military courts till 1955; the espionage, however, still stood under the military jurisdiction). In 1946, there was introduced the Decree on particularly dangerous crimes in the period of the State’s recovery, which was later called a Small Penal Code. 2) The interest that foreign intelligence services expressed in relation to Poland was similar to the one they had in all countries of Eastern and Central Europe. In the case of Poland, it should be noted that foreign intelligence services recruited Polish citizens who had previously stayed abroad and after WWII returned to their home country. The services also gathered information from Poles staying in immigrant camps (e.g. in FRG). The activity of the American intelligence service on the territory of FRG and West Berlin played a key role. The documents of the Ministry of Internal Affairs pointed to the global range of this activity, e.g. through the recruitment of Polish sailors in the ports of the Netherlands, Japan, etc. In line with the development in the 1970s, espionage, which had so far concentrated on the defence and strategic sectors, became focused on science and technology of the People’s Republic of Poland. The acquisition of collaborators in academic circles was much easier, as PRL opened to academic exchange. Due to the system of visas, the process of candidate selection for intelligence services (e.g. the American) began in embassies. In the 1980s, the activity of the foreign intelligence services concentrated on the specific political situation in Poland, i.e. the growing significance of the “Solidarity” social movement. 3) The specificity of the American intelligence activity against Poland was related to the composition of the residency staff, which was the largest in comparison to other Western countries. The wide range of these activities can be proved by the quantitative data of convictions for espionage in the years 1944-1984 (however, one has to bear in mind the factors mentioned earlier in the text, which led to the misinterpretation of these data). Analysing the data and the documents prepared by the Ministry of Internal Affairs, one should treat them with caution, as, frequently, the Polish counter-intelligence service used to classify the ordinary diplomatic practice and any contacts with foreigners as espionage threats. It is clearly visible in the language of the training materials concerned with “secret service methods of the intelligence activity” as well as in the documents on operational activities of the Security Service in relation to foreigners. The level of interest the USA had in Poland was mirrored in the classification of diplomatic posts, according to which Warsaw occupied the second place (the so-called Group “B”) on the three-point scale. The CIA experienced spectacular defeats during their activity in Poland: supporting the Polish underground anti-communist organisation Freedom and Independence and the so-called Munich-Berg episode (both cases took place in the 1950s). The text focuses only on selected issues related to the espionage activities against Poland. Similarly, the analysis of the problem has been based on selected sources, which has limited the research scope - however, it was not the aim of the author to present the espionage activity against Poland in a comprehensive way. In order to assess the real threat posed by the espionage activity, one should analyse the case of persons convicted for espionage in the period 1944-1989, as the available quantitative data, mentioned in the text, cannot constitute an explicit benchmark for the scale of espionage activity. The inaccuracies in the interpretation of data and variables, which can affect the evaluation of this phenomenon, have been pointed out in the text.

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Security provisioning is an essential part in the design of any communication systems, which becomes more critical for wireless systems. Devising a quality of service (QoS) mechanism to coexist security algorithms is a daunting, yet inevitable task. The aim of this novel research article is to present a novel energy efficient, cross-layer-based application-layer wireless system with simultaneous security and QoS supports, which revolves around the practical and low-cost implementation of Suite-B cryptographic algorithms (promulgated by the National Security Agency) and detailed analyses of the associated complexities. The focus of this article is on the novel cross-layer mechanism and its effectiveness to handle QoS-enabled treatment while offering security enhancements.

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Security networks are increasing in number and in importance across the security field as a means of providing inter-agency coordination. On the basis of a detailed qualitative study of networks in the field of national security in Australia, this article aims to advance our knowledge of the internal properties of security networks and conditions shaping their performance. It places ‘cooperation’, ‘coordination’ and ‘collaboration’ on a continuum, with cooperation at one end and collaboration at the other end, and aims to illustrate how each of these ‘Cs’ shape the performance of security networks. The central argument is that the performance of security networks increases as the network moves from cooperation to collaboration. Drawing on interviews with senior members of security, law enforcement and intelligence agencies, the article aims to highlight the lessons for how to strategically manage security networks in ways that promote collaboration.

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The legal and institutional arrangements for Australian security and intelligence underwent major changes in the 1970s. Existing agencies were publicly acknowledged for the first time, new agencies were established, new powers of investigation and surveillance were introduced and an emergent ‘intelligence community’ was formed. As in Canada (and the USA), numerous ‘crises’ in Australian intelligence practices led to and informed various commissions of inquiry that made visible previously hidden intelligence institutions and associated surveillance practices. Subsequent inquiries, security and intelligence plans, national statements and reforms in Australia built upon these developments, which were indicative of a good measure of continuity in intelligence and surveillance arrangements. This chapter identifies how intelligence and security arrangements were 'problematised’ from the 1970s, and a new ‘intelligence community’ was created as an object of governing.

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This paper examines the impact of a politics of resentment, neo‐liberal policies, and security concerns on issues of gender justice in schools in various western countries. We argue that since the 1990s gender justice in schools has been severely hampered by a politics of resentment, or backlash politics, and the presence of neo‐liberal discourses in education. Furthermore, we contend that current national security concerns in the post‐September 11 context have compounded many of the challenges posed by these trends. We detail how such trends have produced constructions of boys as oppressed, as problems and as dangerous. We argue for a problematising of such constructions and of the anti‐feminist, masculinist and imperialist discourses undergirding them. We propose that moving beyond such essentialising towards gender justice in education will require a critical engagement with the ways in which national security issues, such as the “war on terror”, are working alongside backlash politics and neo‐liberal discourses to distort gender equity and schooling priorities.

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El presente estudio de caso tiene como objetivo analizar la influencia de la gobernación de Tokio en la formulación de la política exterior de Japón durante la disputa territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu. Para ello, se identifican los puntos más relevantes de la política exterior de seguridad de Japón después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Se hace un énfasis en la política bilateral de seguridad sino-japonesa, con el fin de ubicar el conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu como un punto importante en la agenda internacional de seguridad de ambos países. Se estudia y analiza el concepto de paradiplomacia; articulado, a su vez, por los conceptos de identidad y rol en política exterior de la perspectiva teórica del Constructivismo de las Relaciones Internacionales, para así analizar la influencia de Tokio en el manejo de la política exterior de Japón en el marco del conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu.

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This article presents a survey of authorisation models and considers their ‘fitness-for-purpose’ in facilitating information sharing. Network-supported information sharing is an important technical capability that underpins collaboration in support of dynamic and unpredictable activities such as emergency response, national security, infrastructure protection, supply chain integration and emerging business models based on the concept of a ‘virtual organisation’. The article argues that present authorisation models are inflexible and poorly scalable in such dynamic environments due to their assumption that the future needs of the system can be predicted, which in turn justifies the use of persistent authorisation policies. The article outlines the motivation and requirement for a new flexible authorisation model that addresses the needs of information sharing. It proposes that a flexible and scalable authorisation model must allow an explicit specification of the objectives of the system and access decisions must be made based on a late trade-off analysis between these explicit objectives. A research agenda for the proposed Objective-based Access Control concept is presented.

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"The 1990s saw the United Nations, the militaries of key member states, and NGOs increasingly entangled in the complex affairs of disrupted states. Whether as deliverers of humanitarian assistance or as agents of political, social, and civic reconstruction, whether in Somalia, Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor, these actors have had to learn ways of interacting with each other in order to optimize the benefits for the populations they seek to assist. Yet the challenges have proved daunting. Civil and military actors have different organizational cultures and standard operating procedures and are confronted with the need to work together to perform tasks to which different actors may attach quite different priorities."--BOOK JACKET.

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Airports are typical examples of large and complex infrastructure systems. They serve a purpose of not only transporting people around the globe but are central to trade and commerce and, in a nation as large as Australia, an important means to connect people and regions. Reducing uncertainty and managing risk in such systems are not only critical tasks integral to effective management practice but equally important for border protection and national security outcomes. This latter issue has been emphasised on a national level in Australia with a number of recent enquiries taking place, most notably the Wheeler Review1 into aviation security in 2005 and the 2009 National Aviation Policy White Paper2 on the future of aviation in Australia.

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A time-resolved inverse spatially offset Raman spectrometer was constructed for depth profiling of Raman-active substances under both the lab and the field environments. The system operating principles and performance are discussed along with its advantages relative to traditional continuous wave spatially offset Raman spectrometer. The developed spectrometer uses a combination of space- and time-resolved detection in order to obtain high-quality Raman spectra from substances hidden behind coloured opaque surface layers, such as plastic and garments, with a single measurement. The time-gated spatially offset Raman spectrometer was successfully used to detect concealed explosives and drug precursors under incandescent and fluorescent background light as well as under daylight. The average screening time was 50 s per measurement. The excitation energy requirements were relatively low (20 mW) which makes the probe safe for screening hazardous substances. The unit has been designed with nanosecond laser excitation and gated detection, making it of lower cost and complexity than previous picosecond-based systems, to provide a functional platform for in-line or in-field sensing of chemical substances.

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Deep Raman spectroscopy has been utilized for the standoff detection of concealed chemical threat agents from a distance of 15 meters under real life background illumination conditions. By using combined time and space resolved measurements, various explosive precursors hidden in opaque plastic containers were identified non-invasively. Our results confirm that combined time and space resolved Raman spectroscopy leads to higher selectivity towards the sub-layer over the surface layer as well as enhanced rejection of fluorescence from the container surface when compared to standoff spatially offset Raman spectroscopy. Raman spectra that have minimal interference from the packaging material and good signal-to-noise ratio were acquired within 5 seconds of measurement time. A new combined time and space resolved Raman spectrometer has been designed with nanosecond laser excitation and gated detection, making it of lower cost and complexity than picosecond-based laboratory systems.

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Examines the effects of national surveillance and local right-wing intimidation on the literary works of author Eleanor Dark during the 1940s and 1950s in Australia. Reason Dark was subjected to national surveillance and right-wing intimidation; Relationship of Dark with local and national security forces; Accusations against the Dark family; Censorship faced by writers.