A política externa da primeira República e os Estados Unidos: a atuação de Joaquim Nabuco em Washington (1905-1910)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

O governo de George W. Bush e sua guerra contra o terror: nova orientação tática à estratégia norte-americana

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Políticas de integração na fronteira trinacional Brasil, Peru e Bolívia

As áreas de fronteiras internacionais constituem espaços altamente complexos, marcados pela grande diversidade de agentes étnicos e de identidade plurinacionais. Na Amazônia Sul Ocidental, tem-se uma área geopolítica estratégica de fronteira trinacional composta pelo Acre (Brasil), Madre de Dios (Peru) e Pando (Bolívia). A preocupação com a segurança nacional, da qual emana a criação de um território especial ao longo do limite internacional continental do país, embora legítima, não tem sido acompanhada de uma política pública sistemática que atenda às especificidades regionais, nem do ponto de vista econômico, nem da cidadania fronteiriça. A integração física do Brasil, como questão central do interesse nacional e do combate às atividades ilícitas, atribui às fronteiras novo papel estratégico. Reativam-se, assim, o interesse pelas fronteiras a partir desse duplo processo, tornando as relações transfronteiriças um tema prioritário das relações internacionais. Com efeito, a busca de um novo significado para as interações do Brasil com seus países limítrofes vem impondo o redirecionamento da ação do Estado brasileiro, com reflexos na geopolítica internacional dessa região da América do Sul. O objetivo central deste estudo é analisar as políticas e ações de integração regional, no processo de desenvolvimento, em uma área de fronteira sob a jurisdição trinacional do Brasil, Peru e Bolívia.

A construção do Eldorado Amazônico no governo Vargas: a representação através da imagem (1940-1945)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Acúmulo de macronutrientes e produtividade de genótipos de cártamo (Carthamus tinctorius L.) em função da adubação nitrogenada no sistema plantio direto

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

ロウハーニー大統領の登場から核協議の進展へ -- 米国オバマ政権の対イラン外交の転換と日本

The recent rapprochement between Iran and the United States after Hassan Rouhani was elected president in June 2013 may represent an important geopolitical shift that would alter the politics of the Middle East. The main purpose of this paper is to evaluate this political shift, examine whether the interim nuclear agreement between Iran and the United States would lead to some structural shifts in the Middle East, and analyze to what extent this change can be sustainable for both sides. The main Part of this paper is divided into three sections. The first section examines in detail the process of Iran's Presidential election in June 2013, especially the sudden change of atmosphere which took place just three days before election day. The second section is devoted to analyzing the Obama administration’s shift to diplomacy with Iran. And the third section treats the on-going nuclear negotiations between Iran and P5+1, which is expected to reach a comprehensive solution. The paper argues that the dramatic shift in the US policy toward Iran is not limited to the bilateral relationships between the US and Iran, but it is related to several key issues in the Middle East, in particular to those in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan. This changing process in Iranian politics and the path to diplomacy is profitable for Japanese national interest, and that Japan should also contribute to Iran's return to the international community.

Digital Curation Program of the Digital Public Library of America (DPLA)

The Digital Public Library of America (DPLA) is a digital library that strives to serve the public through digital collections accumulated from a wide variety of partners. Our chosen topic for the DPLA exhibit project is Perspectives on the Vietnam War. The Vietnam War remains a controversial topic of national interest, making it a topic of depth and of many perspectives. Our goals with this exhibit were to gather different perspectives of the war through personal stories, the media, presidential administrations of the war, military personnel, and the general public, including famous figures. We strove to demonstrate the variety of perspectives on the Vietnam War through a variation of digital objects and content that will be engaging for users: both black and white and color photos, videos, and audio files. Furthermore, we wanted to ensure that our digital materials are of high quality, properly documented, and easy to search and find thus all of our objects are from DPLA and are from usable original sources. This poster will describe our processes for organizational, object selection, building our exhibit, attainment of our goals, and detailed steps of our overall operation. The poster will also include details about the minor issues and bumps that occurred while reaching our final product as well as the team members’ perspectives on the project as a whole including: problems, words to for the wise, and triumphs.

What does the UK want from an EU renegotiation, and what terms can it expect? CEPS Commentary, 7 January 2014

In this new CEPS Commentary, John Bruton considers some likely consequences of the UK’s renegotiation of its membership of the EU, in terms of the UK’s own national interest, its relations with its European neighbours and the future effectiveness of a ‘revised’ EU.

The Putin doctrine: The formation of a conceptual framework for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. OSW Commentary No. 131, 28.03.2014

The statements made in recent weeks by Russian officials, and especially President Vladimir Putin, in connection with Moscow’s policy towards Ukraine, may suggest that the emergence of a certain doctrine of Russian foreign and security policy is at hand, especially in relation to the post-Soviet area. Most of the arguments at the core of this doctrine are not new, but recently they have been formulated more openly and in more radical terms. Those arguments concern the role of Russia as the defender of Russian-speaking communities abroad and the guarantor of their rights, as well as specifically understood good neighbourly relations (meaning in fact limited sovereignty) as a precondition that must be met in order for Moscow to recognise the independence and territorial integrity of post-Soviet states. However, the new doctrine also includes arguments which have not been raised before, or have hitherto only been formulated on rare occasions, and which may indicate the future evolution of Russia’s policy. Specifically, this refers to Russia’s use of extralegal categories, such as national interest, truth and justice, to justify its policy, and its recognition of military force as a legitimate instrument to defend its compatriots abroad. This doctrine is effectively an outline of the conceptual foundation for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. It offers a justification for the efforts to restore the unity of the ‘Russian nation’ (or more broadly, the Russian-speaking community), within a bloc pursuing close integration (the Eurasian Economic Union), or even within a single state encompassing at least parts of that area. As such, it poses a challenge for the West, which Moscow sees as the main opponent of Russia’s plans to build a new order in Europe (Eurasia) that would undermine the post-Cold War order.

British business and the Euro. ACES Cases No. 2008.2

During the Maastricht Treaty negotiations, the United Kingdom obtained an opt-out option on Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). When Tony Blair came to power, he promised there would be a referendum on the euro if the government decided it was in the national interest to join. Many believed Tony Blair intended to call and try to win a referendum on the euro. Therefore, in the late 1990s, the debate over the euro raged in Britain, filling the pages of the tabloids and the minds of many Britons. In this paper based on empirical research conducted in London in 2005-06, I investigate whether the business sector had a clear preference on the issue of British membership in the EMU and tried to influence the government‟s decision. I use Jeffry Frieden's model of interest group preferences regarding exchange-rate policies to develop hypotheses regarding the position of the business sector on the euro. Research findings reveal that the business sector was divided on the issue of euro membership exactly as Frieden's model predicts. However, the intensity of business preferences decreased overtime. By the end of Tony Blair's second term, the business sector had become neutral on the issue of the euro.

Sexual Minority Rights as Human Rights: Mapping the Evolution of LGBT Norms in Swedish and U.S. Foreign Policy

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Australia's relationship with the United States: The case for greater independence

A number of recent events-especially attempts to negotiate a bilateral trade agreement and Australia's participation in the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq(1)-have thrown Australia's relationship with the United States into sharp relief. While this relationship has historically enjoyed strong bilateral endorsement, such uncritical support is beginning to unravel. At the very least, the relationship is being subjected to a renewed, more critical scrutiny. This paper argues that a dispassionate analysis of the relationship is appropriate and overdue. Not only are the benefits that accrue to 'Australia' from the relationship debateable, even when judged within the limited calculus of the 'national interest', but Australia's uncritical support for US foreign policy is also helping to entrench potentially damaging aspects of American foreign policy and somewhat ironically-undermining the legitimacy of its pre-eminent 'hegemonic' position.

Public sector investment appraisal:the place of flexibility in the decision making process

This thesis reviews the main methodological developments in public sector investment appraisal and finds growing evidence that appraisal techniques are not fulfilling their earlier promise. It is suggested that an important reason for this failure lies in the inability of these techniques to handle uncertainty except in a highly circumscribed fashion. It is argued that a more fruitful approach is to strive for flexibility. Investment projects should be formulated with a view to making them responsive to a wide range of possible future events, rather than embodying a solution which is optimal for one configuration of circumstances only. The distinction drawn in economics between the short and the long run is used to examine the nature of flexibility. The concept of long run flexibility is applied to the pre-investment range of choice open to the decisionmaker. It is demonstrated that flexibility is reduced at a very early stage of decisionmaking by the conventional system of appraisal which evaluates only a small number of options. The pre-appraisal filtering process is considered further in relation to decisionmaking models. It is argued that for public sector projects the narrowing down of options is best understood in relation to an amended mixed scanning model which places importance on the process by which the 'national interest ' is determined. Short run flexibility deals with operational characteristics, the degree to which particular projects may respond to changing demands when the basic investment is already in place. The tension between flexibility and cost is noted. A short case study on the choice of electricity generating plant is presented. The thesis concludes with a brief examination of the approaches used by successive British governments to public sector investment, particularly in relation to the nationalised industries

Neither security nor development? Czech and Hungarian identities and interests in the provincial reconstruction teams in Afghanistan

This article builds on the securitisation and post-development literature and it scrutinises the Czech and Hungarian legitimising discourses of the two countries’ respective Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) in the Logar and Baghlan provinces of Afghanistan from 2007 to 2013. In spite of the hybrid civil–military character of the PRTs, their security–development nexus was absent and they were respectively securitised and “developmentalised” only indirectly and to a varying extent. The PRTs were mostly justified by the Czech Republic's NATO membership as an identity issue and they were justified as a Hungarian national interest and as both an obligation and an opportunity. Rather than merely importing NATO's arguments as suggested by the previous literature, the depoliticisation and positive connotation of the intervention in Afghanistan was constructed by the domestic NATO-related identities and interests in the Czech Republic and Hungary.