912 resultados para Motivation (Psychologie)
Resumo:
VEsquisse (1895) ainsi que le chapitre VII de L'interprétation du rêve (1900) de Freud offrent un modèle psychologique - sous-jacent à toute la psychanalyse élaborée par la suite - qui présente des analogies frap¬pantes avec les conceptions aristotéliciennes sur la psyché, principalement développées dans le De l'âme et les Petits traités d'histoire naturelle. Ceci peut se comprendre entre autres par le fait que les seuls cours uni¬versitaires de psychologie et de philosophie que Freud fréquenta, parallèlement à ses études de médecine, furent ceux du théologien, psychologue et philosophe Franz Brentano, grand spécialiste d'Aristote, dont l'impact de l'enseignement sur le jeune Freud est aujourd'hui mieux connu grâce à son échange épistolaire, au début de ses études, avec son ancien ami de gymnase Eduard Silberstein. En effet, plus d'un élément du paradigme psychologique aristotélicien, qui chez cet auteur s'ancre dans la biologie, semblent trouver écho chez Freud : ainsi, la génération de diverses sortes de représentation au sein de l'appareil psychique par l'investissement des traces mnésiques, chez Freud, fait penser à la production ât phantâsmata dans l'âme, par le travail de la phantasîa sur les mouvements résiduels de la perception sensorielle, chez Aristote. De là, ce sont autant le fonctionnement mnésique, que l'explication des phénomènes du rêve et de l'hallucination, que la compréhension du désir dans sa capacité de mettre en mouvement le vivant animé (c'est-à-dire un être doté d'une âme) qui vont représenter les points d'articulation de cette comparaison. -- The Project for a Scientific Psychology (1895) as well as Chapter VII of Freud's Interpretation of Dreams (1900) offer a psychological model - underlying the entire psychoanalysis developed hereafter - which is strikingly similar to Aristotelian conceptions of the psyche in On the Soul and Little Physical Treatises. One explanation may be that the only lectures in psychology and philosophy that Freud attended at university, alongside lectures in medicine, were given by the theologist, psychologist, and philosopher Franz Brentano, who had a deep knowledge of Aristotle. Because of young Freud's correspondence with his high school friend Eduard Silberstein at the beginning of his studies, the influence of Brentano's teachings on Freud is now better known. Indeed, much of the Aristotelian psychological paradigm - rooted in biology - seems to echo in Freud's writings. Thus, the production of various sorts of representations within the psychic apparatus by means of the investment in memory traces in Freud's model evokes the phantâsmata generated in the soul by the action of phantasîa on the residual movements of the sensory perception in Aristotle's psychology. From there, this comparison will hinge as much on the operation of memory as on the explanation of the phenomena of dreams and hallucinations, as on the understanding of desire in its ability to set the animated living being (i.e. a being with a soul) in motion.
Resumo:
This article analyzes if, and to what extent, the public service motivation (PSM) construct has an added value to explain work motivation in the public sector. In order to address the specificity of PSM when studying work motivation, the theoretical model underlying this empirical study compares PSM with two other explanatory factors: material incentives, such as performance-related pay, and team relations and support, such as recognition by superiors. This theoretical model is then tested with data collected in a national survey of 3,754 civil servants at the Swiss municipal level. Results of a structural equations model clearly show the relevance of PSM. They also provide evidence for the importance of socio-relational motivating factors, whereas material incentives play an anecdotal role.
Resumo:
Proactive career behaviors become increasingly important in today's career environment, but little is known about how and when motivational patterns affect individual differences. In a six-month longitudinal study among German university students (Study 1; N = 289) it was demonstrated that motivation in terms of "can do" (self-efficacy and context beliefs), "reason to" (autonomous career goals), and "energized to" (positive affect) significantly predicted career behaviors. Contrary to expectation, negative context beliefs had a positive effect when combined with other motivational states. Study 2 replicated and extended those results by investigating whether "can do" motivation mediates the effect of proactive personality and whether those effects are conditional upon the degree of career choice decidedness. We tested a moderated multiple mediation model with a unique sample of 134 German students, assessed three times, each interval being 6 weeks apart. The results showed that effects of proactivity were partially carried through higher self-efficacy beliefs but not context beliefs. Supporting a moderation model, indirect effects through self-efficacy beliefs were not present for students with very low decidedness.
Resumo:
This paper argues that low-stakes test scores, available in surveys, may be partially determined by test-taking motivation, which is associated with personality traits but not with cognitive ability. Therefore, such test score distributions may not be informative regarding cognitive ability distributions. Moreover, correlations, found in survey data, between high test scores and economic success may be partially caused by favorable personality traits. To demonstrate these points, I use the coding speed test that was administered without incentives to National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 (NLSY) participants. I suggest that due to its simplicity its scores may especially depend on individuals' test-taking motivation. I show that controlling for conventional measures of cognitive skills, the coding speed scores are correlated with future earnings of male NLSY participants. Moreover, the coding speed scores of highly motivated, though less educated, population (potential enlists to the armed forces) are higher than NLSY participants' scores. I then use controlled experiments to show that when no performance-based incentives are provided, participants' characteristics, but not their cognitive skills, affect effort invested in the coding speed test. Thus, participants with the same ability (measured by their scores on an incentivized test) have significantly different scores on tests without performance- based incentives.
Resumo:
Guided by a modified information-motivation-behavioral skills model, this study identified predictors of condom use among heterosexual people living with HIV with their steady partners. Consecutive patients at 14 European HIV outpatient clinics received an anonymous, standardized, self-administered questionnaire between March and December 2007. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics and two-step backward elimination regression analyses stratified by gender. The survey included 651 participants (n = 364, 56% women; n = 287, 44%). Mean age was 39 years for women and 43 years for men. Most had acquired HIV sexually and more than half were in a serodiscordant relationship. Sixty-three percent (n = 229) of women and 59% of men (n = 169) reported at least one sexual encounter with a steady partner 6 months prior to the survey. Fifty-one percent (n = 116) of women and 59% of men (n = 99) used condoms consistently with that partner. In both genders, condom use was positively associated with subjective norm conducive to condom use, and self-efficacy to use condoms. Having a partner whose HIV status was positive or unknown reduced condom use. In men, higher education and knowledge about condom use additionally increased condom use, while the use of erectile-enhancing medication decreased it. For women, HIV disclosure to partners additionally reduced the likelihood of condom use. Positive attitudes to condom use and subjective norm increased self-efficacy in both genders, however, a number of gender-related differences appeared to influence self-efficacy. Service providers should pay attention to the identified predictors of condom use and adopt comprehensive and gender-related approaches for preventive interventions with people living with HIV.
Resumo:
This paper argues that low-stakes test scores, available in surveys, may be partially determinedby test-taking motivation, which is associated with personality traits but not with cognitiveability. Therefore, such test score distributions may not be informative regarding cognitiveability distributions. Moreover, correlations, found in survey data, between high test scoresand economic success may be partially caused by favorable personality traits. To demonstratethese points, I use the coding speed test that was administered without incentives to NationalLongitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 (NLSY) participants. I suggest that due to its simplicityits scores may especially depend on individuals' test-taking motivation. I show that controllingfor conventional measures of cognitive skills, the coding speed scores are correlated with futureearnings of male NLSY participants. Moreover, the coding speed scores of highly motivated,though less educated, population (potential enlists to the armed forces) are higher than NLSYparticipants' scores. I then use controlled experiments to show that when no performance-basedincentives are provided, participants' characteristics, but not their cognitive skills, affect effortinvested in the coding speed test. Thus, participants with the same ability (measured by theirscores on an incentivized test) have significantly different scores on tests without performance-based incentives.
Resumo:
Nombreux sont les philosophes et psychologues qui voient en l'altruisme une des plus grandes vertus humaines. Certains en font même une composante nécessaire à la morale. Sachant cela, il est assez piquant de constater que les biologistes trouvent de l'altruisme dans le monde animal et que, plus récemment, il est également devenu un objet de recherche en économie. L'hétérogénéité des disciplines qui traitent de l'altruisme en ont fait une notion extrêmement complexe et difficile à saisir. L'objectif de cet article est d'explorer les différents sens donnés à cette notion et de comprendre le rôle qu'elle joue dans les débats propres aux sciences qui l'utilisent. Il s'agira également de réfléchir aux liens qu'entretiennent les diverses formes d'altruisme, entre elles d'une part, et avec la morale d'autre part.La première partie de l'article est consacrée à trois types de débats faisant usage de la notiond'altruisme. Nous verrons que chacun d'eux prend place dans le cadre d'une science ou d'un groupe de sciences différentes et que la signification de l'altruisme s'y adapte. Le premier débat a pour cadre la biologie et utilise la notion d'« altruisme biologique » ; il s'agit d'expliquer comment un comportement désavantageux du point de vue de la survie et de la reproduction a pu être sélectionné au fil de l'évolution. Le second débat a lieu au sein des sciences sociales (plus particulièrement en économie et anthropologie évolutionniste) et se centre sur la notion d'« altruisme comportemental » ; il s'agit de montrer que des personnes ordinaires ne se comportement souvent pas en maximisateurs rationnels de leur gains propres, comme le prédirait la théorie économique néoclassique. Le troisième débat repose sur la notion d'« altruisme psychologique » et engage particulièrement les philosophes, les psychologues mais également certains économistes et neuroscientifiques ; il s'agit de déterminer si les êtres humains sont capables d'agir en fonction de motivations dirigées vers le bien-être d'autrui. La seconde partie de l'article a pour objectif de mettre en relation ces trois formes d'altruisme ainsi que leur rapport avec la morale.