The Split in Stalin's Secretariat, 1939-1948

The question of the relationship between the Party and the State is crucial for understanding Soviet political system. Jonathan Harris goes to the heart of the matter by examining two principal views about the Communist Party’s role in Soviet society during the late 1930s and 1940s. Drawing on a meticulous analysis of the main party publications during this period, the author reconstructs the main battle lines between Georgii Malenkov and Andrei Zhdanov, the two antagonists of the book.
The book provides a very detailed and extensive analysis of the debates about Party's role in Soviet system as it appeared in the official press. However, without a much needed discussion of the 1948 reform of the Party apparatus and use of archival sources, there are few arguments which were not already present in the original article by Jonathan Harris published in 1976.

Summer School Band/Summer School Chorus, July 18, 1939

Concert program for Summer School Band/Summer School Chorus, July 18, 1939

Julius Caesar, August 8, 1939

Concert program for Julius Caesar, August 8, 1939

"A Concert in Swing"; The Concert Band, The Pep Band, November 29, 1939

Concert program for "A Concert in Swing"; The Concert Band, The Pep Band, November 29, 1939

Annual Christmas Program, December 3, 1939

Concert program for Annual Christmas Program, December 3, 1939

Decisão política no Estado Novo, 1933-1939

Os processos de decisão política em regimes não democráticos têm sido objecto de um interesse crescente, quer em relação às ditaduras do período entre guerras, quer no âmbito dos chamados «novos autoritarismos ». Os estudos sobre as elites assentam na ideia de que o seu perfil constitui um factor determinante na distribuição do poder (Rees 2005; Almeida, Pinto e Bermeo 2006). Já os estudos centrados nas instituições defendem que as regras de funcionamento das estruturas de poder são uma fonte fundamental para a compreensão do processo decisório (Gandhi 2008). Por fim, a investigação sobre os tipos de liderança tem sustentado a ideia de que o processo de decisão política pode ser entendido com base no aspecto carismático, burocrático-legal e tradicional do líder (Pinto, Eatwell e Larsen 2007; Kershaw 2009). Sendo a centralização do poder uma das variáveis de estudo do processo de decisão política, dificilmente será captada pela análise isolada de cada um desses aspectos. Pelo contrário, as variáveis da centralização e da decisão política devem ser tratadas articulando a investigação do funcionamento das instituições, da natureza das elites e do tipo de liderança do ditador. Procurando pôr em prática esta ideia, estuda-se aqui a centralização do poder político em Portugal durante o período de institucionalização do Estado Novo (1933-1939), explorando simultaneamente as dimensões formais e informais da decisão política. Analisa-se, em particular, o papel do Conselho de Ministros, já que certos estudos publicados ao longo das últimas décadas sugerem que Salazar desvalorizou substancialmente este órgão, contrariamente ao que sucedeu durante os anos que antecederam e sucederam ao salazarismo – ou seja, na ditadura militar (1926-1933) e no marcelismo (1968-1974).

Labour and the free churches 1918-1939: radicalism, righteousness and religion

It is a commonplace that the labour movement was somehow nurtured within the witness for liberty of the Free Churches. Exploring this at a range of levels - including organisation, rhetoric, policies, electoral politics and people - this book demonstrates the extent to which this remained a reality into the inter-war years. The distinctive religious setting in which it emerged indeed helps to explain the differences between Labour and more Marxist counterparts on the Continent. It is shown here that this setting continued to influence Labour approaches towards welfare, nationalisation and industrial relations between the wars. In the process Labour also adopted some of the righteousness of tone of the Free Churches. This setting was, however, changing. Dropping their traditional suspicion of the State, Nonconformists instead increasingly invested it with religious values, turning it through its growing welfare functions into the provider of practical Christianity. This nationalisation of religion continues to shape British attitudes to the welfare state as well as imposing narrowly utilitarian and material tests of relevance upon the churches and other social institutions. The elevation of the State was not, however, intended as an end in itself. What mattered were the social and individual outcomes. Socialism, for those Free Churchmen and women who helped to shape Labour in the early twentieth century, was about improving society as much as systems.