241 resultados para Legislators


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Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

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OBJETIVO – O propósito de minha pesquisa é analisar os mecanismos que estruturam os governos de gabinete e as coalizões cíclicas no ultrapresidencialismo estadual do Amazonas. Em outras palavras, tenho como foco explicar a lógica do sucesso do governador, de sua coalizão legislativa e de seu gabinete na constituição de uma rede de superdominância nas arenas eleitoral, parlamentar e executiva. PERÍODO – Neste estudo de caso, analiso quatro administrações de três governadores do Amazonas: Gilberto Mestrinho (1991-1994), Amazonino Mendes (1995-1998 e 1999-2002) e Eduardo Braga (2003-2006); e quatro legislaturas da Assembleia Legislativa (ALEAM). TEORIA – Como orientação teórica, uso as contribuições da teoria da escolha pública e da análise institucional. Parto da premissa de que o governador joga tentando maximizar sua renda de utilidade dentro de uma dada estrutura institucional (permeada pela lógica do gubernatorial coattails) que incentiva a interação estratégica cooperativa e durável entre os principais jogadores (governador, deputados estaduais, secretários e cidadãos-eleitores) em múltiplas arenas decisórias. METODOLOGIA – Primeiramente, utilizo o banco de dados do Laboratório de Estudos Experimentais (LEEX) para montar um mapa da dinâmica eleitoral, partidária e parlamentar recente. Depois, trabalho com o banco de dados da Assembleia Legislativa do Amazonas para verificar a organização da produção legislativa (os projetos de lei ordinária aprovados) e a eficácia da coalizão partidário-parlamentar do governador. Finalmente, manuseio o meu próprio banco de dados sobre a rotatividade do secretariado e, por conseguinte, aplico e calculo o índice de coalescência para estimar os níveis de proporcionalidade dos governos de gabinetes ultrapresidenciais. CONCLUSÃO E RESULTADOS – Os governadores acumulam o monopólio do poder de agenda decisória do Executivo e controlam com muita eficiência a agenda do Legislativo; além do mais distribuem recursos de patronagem como incentivos seletivos para os seus aliados nos jogos em múltiplas arenas. Como consequência, cheguei à conclusão de que a formação de maiorias no contexto do ultrapresidencialismo estadual se realiza, por um lado, pelo surgimento de coalizões cíclicas de amplo apoio partidário na arena legislativa; e, por outro, pela edificação de governos de gabinete com a participação pendular de parlamentares, partidários e especialistas.

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Esse artigo analisa os esforços dos parlamentares que buscaram aprimorar as regras internas da Câmara dos Deputados após a promulgação da Constituição de 1988. Através da leitura dos documentos elaborados pelas comissões de reforma do regimento interno, pode-se observar, de um lado, que o tema da reforma das instituições configura-se como um terreno de difícil concretização das intenções dos atores proponentes de medidas de mudanças; de outro, que o uso empírico das modificações propostas pode desencadear conseqüências não-intencionadas e, não raramente, contrárias ao que fora almejado, forçando assim os atores a repensarem suas posições, resultando em maiores incertezas no processo deliberativo da Câmara.

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This paper analyzes the opinions of legislators members of parliamentaries elites of Legislative Assemblies of the States of São Paulo, Paraná and Santa Catarina on democracy. The opinions of legislators paulistas were collected using a questionnaire selfadministered and structured, while the opinions of legislators paranaenses and catarinenses were collected with the surveys “As elites administrativas, parlamentares e partidárias do Paraná, 1995-2006” and “Elites políticas e a democracia: os valores políticos dos parlamentares catarinenses da 16º Legislatura, 2007”. The results were: i) democracy is stable, ii) it is superior to any other type of regime, iii) is supported by some social policies and the use of voting and iv) democracy has support of various ideological currents.

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This work aims to investigate the institutionalization of management processes in the legislation of the Brazilian education. For this study was considered the first decades of the twentieth century (1911-1950). The laws of Brazil in the early Republic were derived from tradition or forged by the great legislators. In turn, the tradition is inserted in the power of social organization that is preserved, in a more forceful manner, through the norms and rules. With this assumption, the study chose the Rivadávia and Carlos Maximiliano Reforms, both of the beginning of the century, and the Organic Laws of Teaching, granted by the government in this period, to understand how legislation institutionalized the role of the director in basic education in this context history. The reflections presented introduce historical elements that demonstrate actions and relationships that remain in the form of habits in the school managements. These institutionalized elements contribute to the debate about the political and pedagogical difficulties pointed out by scholars and professionals, related to the promotion of democratic management in the public school.

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The Henry Radcliffe Sims Papers consist primarily of personal and business correspondence and offers a good source of information on the Sims family's varied interests in South Carolina, especially their businesses in Orangeburg, South Carolina. The correspondence generally deals with Henry Sims' brief military career; his presidency at Winthrop; his efforts along with his brothers' help to establish a radio station at Orangeburg; his constant concern in the Sims Publishing Company; his interest in the political and educational welfare of his nephews; his devotion to his family; and his association with various South Carolina legislators. Areas of research would perhaps include, among others, biographical information on Sims and his family; their contributions to South Carolina, especially in the area of publications (ex. Times and Democrat’s historical development). There is also material relating to Sims’ nephew, Hugo Sims Jr., and the latter’s 1946 campaign for a seat in the South Carolina House of Representatives. Correspondents include Olin Johnston, Burnet Rhett Maybank, John T. Riley and Strom Thurmond.

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The Michigan Departments of Agriculture, Community Health, and Natural Resources, US Department of Agriculture (USDA) and Michigan State University work cooperatively together as the bovine TB eradication project partners. The interagency group combines expertise in epidemiology, veterinary and human medicine, pathology, wildlife biology, animal husbandry, regulatory law and policy and risk communications. The stakeholders, those impacted by the disease, include agriculture and tourism industry representatives, “Mom-and-Pop” businesses, hunters, wildlife enthusiasts, farmers, Local Health Departments and legislators. The regulatory agencies are the above mentioned project partners, excluding MSU and USDA Wildlife Services, both of which offer services to agencies and stakeholders. Eradicating bovine TB would not be difficult if there were no social issues surrounding it. The economy, hunting traditions, animal management, tourism and human health are all impacted by regulatory response to the disease. Often the social issues play a large role in decision making, therefore it is important to understand your clientele and anticipate public reaction to policy changes and requirements.

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This thesis consists of four self-contained essays in economics. Tournaments and unfair treatment. This paper introduces the negative feelings associated with the perception of being unfairly treated into a tournament model and examines the impact of these perceptions on workers’ efforts and their willingness to work overtime. The effect of unfair treatment on workers’ behavior is ambiguous in the model in that two countervailing effects arise: a negative impulsive effect and a positive strategic effect. The impulsive effect implies that workers react to the perception of being unfairly treated by reducing their level of effort. The strategic effect implies that workers raise this level in order to improve their career opportunities and thereby avoid feeling even more unfairly treated in the future. An empirical test of the model using survey data from a Swedish municipal utility shows that the overall effect is negative. This suggests that employers should consider the negative impulsive effect of unfair treatment on effort and overtime in designing contracts and determining on promotions. Late careers in Sweden between 1970 and 2000. In this essay Swedish workers’ late careers between 1970 and 2000 are studied. The aim is to examine older workers’ career patterns and whether they have changed during this period. For example, is there a difference in career mobility or labor market exiting between cohorts? What affects the late career, and does this differ between cohorts? The analysis shows that between 1970 and 2000 the late careers of Swedish workers comprised of few job changes and consisted more of “trying to keep the job you had in your mid-fifties” than of climbing up the promotion ladder. There are no cohort differences in this pattern. Also a large fraction of the older workers exited the labor market before the normal retirement age of 65. During the 1970s and first part of the 1980s, 56 percent of the older workers made an early exit and the average drop-out age was 63. During the late 1980s and the 1990s the share of old workers who made an early exit had risen to 76 percent and the average drop-out age had dropped to 61.5. Different factors have affected the probabilities of an early exit between 1970 and 2000. For example, skills did affect the risk of exiting the labor market during the 1970s and up to the mid-1980s, but not in the late 1980s or the 1990s. During the first period old workers in the lowest occupations or with the lowest level of education were more likely to exit the labor market than more highly skilled workers. In the second period old workers at all levels of skill had the same probability of leaving the labor market. The growth and survival of establishments: does gender segregation matter? We empirically examine the employment dynamics that arise in Becker’s (1957) model of labor market discrimination. According to the model, firms that employ a large fraction of women will be relatively more profitable due to lower wage costs, and thus enjoy a greater probability of surviving and growing by underselling other firms in the competitive product market. In order to test these implications, we use a unique Swedish matched employer-employee data set. We find that female-dominated establishments do not enjoy any greater probability of surviving and do not grow faster than other establishments. Additionally, we find that integrated establishments, in terms of gender, age and education levels, are more successful than other establishments. Thus, attempts by legislators to integrate firms along all dimensions of diversity may have positive effects on the growth and survival of firms. Risk and overconfidence – Gender differences in financial decision-making as revealed in the TV game-show Jeopardy. We have used unique data from the Swedish version of the TV-show Jeopardy to uncover gender differences in financial decision-making by looking at the contestants’ final wagering strategies. After ruling out empirical best-responses, which do appear in Jeopardy in the US, a simple model is derived to show that risk preferences, the subjective and objective probabilities of answering correctly (individual and group competence), determine wagering strategies. The empirical model shows that, on average, women adopt more conservative and diversified strategies, while men’s strategies aim for the greatest gains. Further, women’s strategies are more responsive to the competence measures, which suggests that they are less overconfident. Together these traits make women more successful players. These results are in line with earlier findings on gender and financial trading.

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The recent reform in European antitrust enforcement is embodied in Regolation n. 1/2003/ Ce and related Communications. Since 2004 when it came into force, some crytical assessments can already be made. The work starts from some technical analysis of the reform, under a procedural perspective, to assess the proceedings’ real impact on parties’ rights and to criticize its limits. Decentralisation has brought about more complicacies, since community procedural systems are not harmonized, neither in their administrative rules, nor in their civil proceedings, which are all involved in the European antitrust network. Therefore, antitrust proceedings end un as being more jurisdictional in their effects than in their guarentees, which is a flaw to be mended by legislators. National laws shoud be harmonized, community law should be clarified and the system should turn more honestly towards a rationalized jurisdiction-cented mechanism. Otherwise, parties defense rights and the overall efficiency are put into doubt. Italy is a good exemple of how many colmlicacies can outburst from national procedures and national decentralised application. An uncertain pattern of judicial control, together with unclear relationships among the institutions to cooperate in the antitrust network can produce more problems than they aim to solve. As to the private enforcement, Regulation n.1 does not even attempt to give precise regulation to this underdeveloped sector. A continual comparison with U.S. system has brought the Commission to become aware both of the risks and of the advanteges of an increased civil antitrust litigation in fronto of national judges. In order to substain a larger development of this parallel and, presently, difficult way of judicial compensation, it is presently ongoing a consultation among states to find suitable incentives to make private enforcement more appealing and effective. The solution to this lack of private litigation is not to be sought in Regulation n. 1 which calls into action national legislators and proceedures to implement further improvements. As a conclusion, Regulation n. 1 is the outpost of an ambitious community design to create an efficient control mechanism over antitrust violations. It focuses on Commission proceedings, powers and sanctions in order to establish deterrence, then it highlights civil litigation perspectives and it involves directly states into antitrust application. It seems that more could be done to technically shape administrative proceedings in a more jurisdictionally oriented form, then to clarify respective roles and coordination mecanisms in order to prevent difficulties easy to forsee. Some of jurisprudential suggestions have been accepted, but much more is left to be done in the future to improve european antitrust enforcement system.

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Lo studio del lato soggettivo del rapporto è centrale nella teoria dell’obbligazione. Ci si chiede se la modificazione di una o anche di entrambe le parti del rapporto determini sempre la sua estinzione o se, invece, si conservi la sua unitarietà oggettiva. La risposta a questo interrogativo è stata diversa a seconda delle diverse epoche storiche. Nel diritto romano si riteneva che la variazione di qualunque soggetto determinasse l’estinzione del rapporto e la costituzione di una nuova obbligazione (novazione soggettiva). Tale soluzione è stata osteggiata dai codificatori moderni per i quali, in caso di modifica delle personae non si ha estinzione del rapporto, ma solo il mutamento di uno dei suoi elementi. Quanto ai diritti di garanzia, in particolare l’ipoteca, i principi generali essenzali sono la specialità e l’accessorietà. Quest’ultima caratteristica è dirimente in caso di modificazione soggettiva del rapporto e ciò emerge in sede di trattazione delle singole fattispecie del Codice Civile che la determinano, sia quanto al creditore sia quanto al debitore. Per velocizzare il subentro nel credito, nel 2007 è stato approvato il decreto Bersani (sulla portabilità del mutuo) che ha consentito di rimuovere vincoli a tale circolazione, nell’ambito dei rapporti bancari. Le caratteristiche della modificazione del rapporto obbligatorio, tuttavia, possono minare l’efficacia della riforma Bersani. Questo è il motivo per il quale taluni studiosi ritengono necessario procedere a un’ampia rivisitazione dell’intero diritto ipotecario, eliminando, sulla scia di quanto accaduto in altri ordinamenti europei, il requisito dell’accessorietà del vincolo. Nonostante ciò, a causa dei rischi connessi a questa riforma, si ritiene preferibile affinare il meccanismo di perfezionamento della portabilità, eliminandone le criticità, senza però pregiudicare le sicurezze dell’attuale sistema giuridico, di cui l’accessorietà dell’ipoteca rispetto al credito costituisce un importante caposaldo.

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Le ragioni della delocalizzazione sono molteplici e di differente natura. Si delocalizza, in primo luogo, per ragioni di stampo economico, finanziario eccetera, ma questa spinta naturale alla delocalizzazione è controbilanciata, sul piano strettamente tributario, dall’esigenza di preservare il gettito e da quella di controllare la genuinità della delocalizzazione medesima. E’ dunque sul rapporto tra “spinte delocalizzative” dell’impresa, da un lato, ed esigenze “conservative” del gettito pubblico, dall’altro, che si intende incentrare il presente lavoro. Ciò alla luce del fatto che gli strumenti messi in campo dallo Stato al fine di contrastare la delocalizzazione (più o meno) artificiosa delle attività economiche devono fare i conti con i principi comunitari introdotti con il Trattato di Roma e tratteggiati negli anni dalla giurisprudenza della Corte di Giustizia. In quest’ottica, la disciplina delle CFC costituisce un ottimo punto di partenza per guardare ai fenomeni di produzione transnazionale della ricchezza e agli schemi di ordine normativo preposti alla tassazione di codesta ricchezza. Ed infatti, le norme sulle CFC non fanno altro che omogeneizzare un sistema che, altrimenti, sarebbe lasciato alla libera iniziativa degli uffici fiscali. Tale “normalizzazione”, peraltro, giustifica le esigenze di apertura che sono incanalate nella disciplina degli interpelli disapplicativi. Con specifico riferimento alla normativa CFC, assumono particolare rilievo la libertà di stabilimento ed il principio di proporzionalità anche nella prospettiva del divieto di abuso del diritto. L’analisi dunque verterà sulla normativa CFC italiana con l’intento di comprendere se codesta normativa, nelle sue diverse sfaccettature, possa determinare situazioni di contrasto con i principi comunitari. Ciò anche alla luce delle recenti modifiche introdotte dal legislatore con il d.l. 78/2009 in un quadro normativo sempre più orientato a combattere le delocalizzazioni meramente fittizie.

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Con il presente lavoro si è tentato di verificare se le ragioni che hanno portato l’ordinamento italiano ad adottare il principio della derivazione del reddito d'impresa dal risultato contabile, possano essere considerate ancora attuali alla luce dell'introduzione dei principi IAS/IFRS nel nostro sistema contabile. In particolare, si è cercato di esaminare se questo collegamento ai principi contabili internazionali, introdotto nel nostro ordinamento anche per la redazione dei bilanci d'esercizio, abbia comportato il venir meno della neutralità dell'imposizione fiscale tra le società cd. Ias adopter e no Ias adopter. L'analisi di questa problematica è stata condotta anche prendendo come riferimento le modalità di recepimento delle opzioni contenute nel Regolamento n. 1606/2002 da parte dei legislatori di alcuni Stati europei, e valutando se le conseguenze fiscali emergenti tra i vari ordinamenti possano creare possibili distorsioni alla concorrenza ed alle libertà fondamentali dell’Unione europea.

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The Blue Dog Coalition is an informal organization of legislators within the House of Representatives that strives to influence policy on fiscal responsibility, attract the attention of the electorate, They are a group that elicits wide range of reactions covering the length of the political spectrum, but despite this, their claims of special defense of fiscal conservatism within the Democratic Party have gone relatively undocumented by the academic community.This project has integrated a party literature with a caucus literature, in the attempt of building a novel framework for research. Work on polarization, the significance of parties, the purpose and history of caucuses all have been fused in such away that the Blue Dogs have created an opportunity to test broad congressional questions on a caucus-microcosm scale. Three important questions have emerged from the many possible avenues of exploration on the topic: How does admission into the Blue Dog Coalition effect voting behavior - measured by interest, ideology, and party unityscores? How does party leadership delegate prestigious committee assignments, a traditional indicator of partisan favor and influence, towards Blue Dogs? Can we use the Blue Dog Coalition as an indicator of fiscal conservatism? To each of these questions, a number of interesting results emerged. Blue Dogs, in the 104th scored higher in conservative interest group scores, more towards the center in ideological methods, and lower in party unity Dogs began to behave closer to their Democratic counterparts. In addition, membership on these select committees rose from a very small number to greater proportional parity within the Democratic Party. Perhaps most interesting, the Blue Dog Coalition does behave as a significant, independent predictor effect on NTU scores, a variable used to demonstrate fiscal conservatism. This research has shown, first and foremost, that it is useful and practical to applyold arguments within the party literature to a smaller, caucus level of analysis that is relatively untouched by the political science field. For the Blue Dogs, specifically, we have tested the validity of their claims in an attempt to reach broader questions ofdemocratic responsibility and electoral clarity. This work, and other work I have drawn upon, has barely scratched the surface on Blue Dog Democrats and other caucuses of comparable influence and popularity, and there remains a wealth of research material onthis caucus alone to be explored by scholars in the field of congressional politics.