889 resultados para Juridical ideology


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In order to examine whether the usual identification of neoliberal ideas with an ideological discourse is valid, this paper starts off with an analysis of what Marx terms commodity fetishism in Capital, based on which a certain sense of the concept of ideology may be inferred which would result in its being both true and false. In order to determine whether this definition of ideology may be applied to neoliberal theory, we look at its fundamental features and how they continue with or break away from economic liberalism as studied in Michel Foucault’s Birth of biopolitics. Attention is later moved to the characteristics detected by David Harvey in the socalled flexible accumulation as the latest stage of capitalism which coincides with the political implementation of neoliberal doctrine. At the end of the road travelled, it is hypothesised that this theory would be a form of ideology containing a dimension of both truth and falsehood, in line with Marx’s thought.

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Cette recherche constitue un essai de théorie critique féministe matérialiste et radicale. Elle poursuit principalement un objectif de dénonciation de la structure actuelle du droit du logement. À partir d’un cadre conceptuel fondé sur le féminisme matérialiste et radical, elle souhaite faire ressortir le point de vue de la classe des femmes dans l’habitation. Le droit du logement est ici utilisé dans un sens large, puisqu’il se réfère à la fois au logement comme phénomène juridique, mais aussi sociologique. À l’intérieur de la discipline juridique, il renvoie à l’ensemble des législations actuellement en vigueur au Québec en ce qui concerne la vie à domicile. Notre étude se concentre sur deux modes d’occupation des lieux, à travers le droit de propriété et le système locatif. Le droit au logement fait l’objet d’une reconnaissance internationale dans les textes portant sur les droits humains. Il est reconnu comme le « droit à un logement suffisant ». Au Canada et au Québec, il ne fait pas l’objet d’une reconnaissance explicite, malgré les engagements pris sur la scène internationale. Un portrait statistique, appuyé sur le critère du sexe, permet de mettre en évidence qu’il existe des écarts entre les hommes et les femmes en ce qui concerne la mise en application du droit du logement. Les femmes accèdent plus difficilement à un logement; elles y effectuent la majorité du travail domestique, de service et de « care » et elles sont les principales victimes des violences commises à domicile. Dans le système d’habitation, l’expérience des femmes se comprend comme une appropriation à la fois privée et collective par la classe des hommes, telle que réfléchie par Colette Guillaumin, qui se concentre autour de la division sexuelle du travail et des violences sexuées. Le droit du logement, dans sa forme actuelle, repose sur l’appropriation de la force de travail des femmes et de leur corps. Ces deux critères permettent de construire une grille d’analyse féministe matérialiste et radicale pour analyser la structure du droit du logement, tel que conçu en droit civil. Cette analyse féministe permet également de situer le droit étatique comme une pratique patriarcale. Cette dernière contribue à assurer le maintien du système d’habitation, qui est assimilable à un système hégémonique, au sens développé par Gramsci. Cette étude réfléchit sur le droit du logement dans le climat politique néolibéral. Le néolibéralisme est développé comme une idéologie qui impose une rationalité marchande à l’ensemble des politiques étatiques. À partir d’une méthode décrite comme métathéorique externe radicalement réflexive, puisqu’elle propose l’importation d’outils conceptuels étrangers à la discipline du droit moderne, nous réfléchissons de manière radicale la construction du droit civil et des institutions qui encadrent le droit du logement. La collecte des données s’effectue à partir de la recherche documentaire. Quatre institutions du droit civil seront examinées dans le détail, soit le sujet du droit, la dichotomie privé/public, la médiation du droit du logement par les biens immeubles, à travers le rapport contractuel et le droit de propriété, et finalement les notaires. L’analyse féministe du sujet du droit insiste sur un paradoxe. D’une part, l’universalité présumée de ce sujet, laquelle permet de poser l’égalité et la liberté pour toutes les personnes juridiques. Or, plutôt que d’être neutre sexuellement comme le prétend le droit positif, nous démontrons comment ce sujet est constamment un membre de la classe des hommes. D’autre part, nous analysons comment le droit reconnaît le sexe de ses sujets, mais surtout comment cette sexualité est construite sur l’idéologie naturaliste. Ce modèle de sujet masculin est fondamental dans la construction du droit du logement. L’étude féministe de la dichotomie privé/public en fait ressortir le caractère situé. En effet, si par essence aucun domaine ou enjeu n’est en soit privé ou public, le processus de qualification, lui, est un acte de pouvoir. Nous verrons comment le droit civil crée des zones de droit privé, comprises comme des zones de non-droit pour les femmes. La qualification de privé dévalue également le travail accompli par cette classe de sexe. Le droit du logement est pourtant centré sur le rapport contractuel et sur le droit de propriété. Il importe alors d’examiner la nature du consentement donné par les femmes comme groupe social dans les contrats de vente et de location. Ces contrats ne prennent pas en compte l’expérience des femmes dans leur formation. Les catégories qui y sont attachées, telles que vendeur.e ou locataire, représentent le point de vue de la classe des hommes. Bien que la popularité de la copropriété auprès de la classe des femmes semble porteuse d’un vent de changement, nous analysons comment le discours dominant qui l’entoure instrumentalise certaines revendications féministes, tout en laissant dans l’ombre la question du travail domestique et des violences sexuées. Finalement, nous nous intéressons aux notaires en les repensant comme des intellectuel.les organiques, tels que conçu.es par Gramsci, pour la classe des hommes. Cette fonction d’intellectuel.les permet de mettre en lumière comment chaque transaction immobilière favorise la reproduction des intérêts patriarcaux, remettant ainsi en question la nature des devoirs de conseil et d’impartialité du notariat. À la lumière de cette analyse, le Code civil du Québec est qualifié dans une perspective féministe matérialiste et radicale pour devenir un système qui institutionnalise l’appropriation des femmes par l’entremise du droit du logement. Ce travail de recherche permet d’envisager certaines pistes de réflexion pour des rénovations potentielles des pratiques juridiques entourant le droit du logement, notamment la pratique notariale, tournées vers des objectifs féministes de justice sociale.

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Japan is an important ally of the United States–the world’s third biggest economy, and one of the regional great powers in Asia. Making sense of Japan’s foreign and security policies is crucial for the future of peace and stability in Northeast Asia, where the possible sources of conflict such as territorial disputes or the disputes over Japan’s war legacy issues are observed.^ This dissertation explored Japan’s foreign and security policies based on Japan’s identities and unconscious ideologies. It employed an analysis of selected Japanese films from the late 1940s to the late 1950s, as well as from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s. The analysis demonstrated that Japan’s foreign and security policies could be understood in terms of a broader social narrative that was visible in Japanese popular cultural products, including films and literatures. Narratives of Japanese families from the patriarch’s point of view, for example, had constantly shaped Japan’s foreign and security policies. As a result, the world was ordered hierarchically in the eyes of the Japan Self. In the 1950s, Japan tenaciously constructed close but asymmetrical security relations with the U.S. in which Japan willingly subjugated itself to the U.S. In the 2000s, Japan again constructed close relations with the U.S. by doing its best to support American responses to the 9/11 terrorist attacks by mobilizing Japan’s SDFs in the way Japan had never done in the past.^ The concepts of identity and unconscious ideology are helpful in understanding how Japan’s own understanding of self, of others, and of the world have shaped its own behaviors. These concepts also enable Japan to reevaluate its own behaviors reflexively, which departs from existing alternative approaches. This study provided a critical analytical explanation of the dynamics at work in Japan’s sense of identity, particularly with regard to its foreign and security policies.^

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Ethos is the spirit that motivates ideas and practices. When we talk casually about the ethos of a town, state, or country we are describing the fundamental or at least underlying rationale for action, as we see it. Ideology is a way of looking at things.It is the set of ideas that constitute one’s goals, expectations, and actions. In this brief essay I want to create a space where we might talk about the ethos and ideology in knowledge organization from a particular point of view; combining ideas and inspiration from the Arts and Crafts movement of the early Twentieth Century, critical theory in extant knowledge organization work, the work of Slavoj Žižek, and the work of Thich Nhat Hahn on Engaged Buddhism.I will expand more below, but we can say here and now that there are many open questions about ethos and ideology in and of knowledge organization, both its practice and products. Many of them in classification, positioned as they are around identity politics of race, gender, and other marginalized groups, ask the classificationist to be mindful of the choice of terms and relationships between terms. From this work we understand that race and gender requires special consideration, which manifests as a particular concern for the form of representation inside extant schemes. Even with these advances in our understanding there are still other categories about which we must make decisions and take action. For example, there are ethical decisions about fiduciary resource allocation, political decisions about standards adoption, and even broader zeitgeist considerations like the question of Fordist conceptions (Day, 2001; Tennis 2006) of the mechanics of description and representation present in much of today’s practice.Just as taking action in a particular way is an ethical concern, so too is avoiding a lack of action. Scholars in Knowledge Organization have also looked at the absence of what we might call right action in the context of cataloguing and classification. This leads to some problems above, and hints at larger ethical concerns of watching a subtle semantic violence go on without intervention (Bowker and Star, 2001; Bade 2006).The problem is not to act or not act, but how to act or not act in an ethical way, or at least with ethical considerations. The action advocated by an ethical consideration for knowledge organization is an engaged one, and it is here where we can take a nod from contemporary ethical theory advanced by Engaged Buddhism. In this context we can see the manifestation of fourteen precepts that guide ethical action, and warn against lack of action.

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This paper provides rationale for considering precepts for an engaged knowledge organization based on a Buddhist conception of intentional action. Casting knowledge organization work as craft, this paper employs Žižek’s conception of vio- lence in language as a call to action. The paper closes with a listing of precepts for an engaged knowledge organization.

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By investigating the inner working of leading financial institutions, and their dense interconnections, this thesis explores the evolution of traditional financial instruments like bonds to tackle sustainability issues. Building on fieldwork among green financiers, the thesis is based upon participant observation of working groups appointed to define standards for sustainable bonds. Engaging critical theory, one claim is that investors are increasingly recruited or interpellated by an emerging global green ideological apparatus, aimed at ensuring the reproduction of existing social relations. Taking stock of the proliferation of both public and private actors in the definition of green standards and practices, the thesis proposes that this green ideology is becoming hegemonic. Focusing on the case of green bond pricing, it suggests that environmental and climate labels and other financial green signifiers for financial products take on brand-like qualities. Crystallizing imaginaries, meanings, and forms of personhood, they play a fundamental role in what is defined as a dual process of valuation-cum-subjectivation. Identifying themselves as “green”, financiers valuate differently green and brown assets allowing a ‘green’ financial value to slowly come to matter. Yet, alongside their ideological role, green labels have come to be almost exclusively standardized with reference to specific Climate Scenarios (e.g. Net Zero). These scenarios coordinate the optimal path towards achieving a carbon neutral world and represent the quintessential example of socioeconomic planning, crucially undermining neoliberal ideas of ‘the market’ as the ultimate calculative device.

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In this paper, I argue against the contemporary tendency to confine ideology to the sphere of subjectivity and point of view, as defended by Paul Simpson (1993) in his book Language, Ideology, and Point of View. My principal criticism against the view is that it simply amounts to a re-affirmation of certain of the conceptual categories with which we have for long been accustomed to think. Rather, I contend, we ought to try to interrogate those very categories with a view to teasing out the instabilities that characterise them. I argue that there is an urgent need to deconstruct the very opposition between ideology, point of view etc. on the one hand, and science, theory, or whatever that one might wish to posit on the other.

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Este artigo analisa atitudes de alunos de um curso de pedagogia frente à educação inclusiva. Parte da hipótese de que o preconceito e a ideologia podem ser obstáculos à inclusão de crianças com deficiência na escola. Foram aplicadas quatro escalas: Manifestação de Preconceito, Atitudes Frente à Educação Inclusiva e Ideologia da Racionalidade Tecnológica, elaboradas por Crochík em 2000, 2003 e 2006, e a escala F, construída por Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson e Sanford em 1950. O estudo foi realizado com 188 estudantes de pedagogia. Os alunos desta amostra tenderam a ser mais favoráveis do que desfavoráveis à educação inclusiva, e foi possível verificar que o preconceito, a adesão à ideologia da racionalidade tecnológica e, implicitamente, ao fascismo, são variáveis que se relacionam às atitudes acerca desse tipo de educação.

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O artigo discute a avaliação acadêmica no contexto caracterizado pelo produtivismo. Como introdução, analisa o episódio da lista dos improdutivos, ocorrido em 1988 na USP, procurando apontar algumas tendências do debate sobre avaliação à época. Em seguida, apresenta, em linhas gerais, ideias que constituem a ideologia produtivista e examina seus desdobramentos na construção de um sistema nacional de avaliação no Brasil. Por último, considera os efeitos desse sistema no trabalho acadêmico, tomando como referência o lugar das exigências de publicação no processo de avaliação.