978 resultados para Intervention state


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Transcatheter aortic valve replacement (TAVR) as well as thoracic and abdominal endovascular aortic repair (TEVAR and EVAR) rely on accurate pre- and postprocedural imaging. This review article discusses the application of imaging, including preprocedural assessment and measurements as well as postprocedural imaging of complications. Furthermore, the exciting perspective of computational fluid dynamics (CFD) based on cross-sectional imaging is presented. TAVR is a minimally invasive alternative for treatment of aortic valve stenosis in patients with high age and multiple comorbidities who cannot undergo traditional open surgical repair. Given the lack of direct visualization during the procedure, pre- and peri-procedural imaging forms an essential part of the intervention. Computed tomography angiography (CTA) is the imaging modality of choice for preprocedural planning. Routine postprocedural follow-up is performed by echocardiography to confirm treatment success and detect complications. EVAR and TEVAR are minimally invasive alternatives to open surgical repair of aortic pathologies. CTA constitutes the preferred imaging modality for both preoperative planning and postoperative follow-up including detection of endoleaks. Magnetic resonance imaging is an excellent alternative to CT for postoperative follow-up, and is especially beneficial for younger patients given the lack of radiation. Ultrasound is applied in screening and postoperative follow-up of abdominal aortic aneurysms, but cross-sectional imaging is required once abnormalities are detected. Contrast-enhanced ultrasound may be as sensitive as CTA in detecting endoleaks.

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INTRODUCTION Anemia and renal impairment are important co-morbidities among patients with coronary artery disease undergoing Percutaneous Coronary Intervention (PCI). Disease progression to eventual death can be understood as the combined effect of baseline characteristics and intermediate outcomes. METHODS Using data from a prospective cohort study, we investigated clinical pathways reflecting the transitions from PCI through intermediate ischemic or hemorrhagic events to all-cause mortality in a multi-state analysis as a function of anemia (hemoglobin concentration <120 g/l and <130 g/l, for women and men, respectively) and renal impairment (creatinine clearance <60 ml/min) at baseline. RESULTS Among 6029 patients undergoing PCI, anemia and renal impairment were observed isolated or in combination in 990 (16.4%), 384 (6.4%), and 309 (5.1%) patients, respectively. The most frequent transition was from PCI to death (6.7%, 95% CI 6.1-7.3), followed by ischemic events (4.8%, 95 CI 4.3-5.4) and bleeding (3.4%, 95% CI 3.0-3.9). Among patients with both anemia and renal impairment, the risk of death was increased 4-fold as compared to the reference group (HR 3.9, 95% CI 2.9-5.4) and roughly doubled as compared to patients with either anemia (HR 1.7, 95% CI 1.3-2.2) or renal impairment (HR 2.1, 95% CI 1.5-2.9) alone. Hazard ratios indicated an increased risk of bleeding in all three groups compared to patients with neither anemia nor renal impairment. CONCLUSIONS Applying a multi-state model we found evidence for a gradient of risk for the composite of bleeding, ischemic events, or death as a function of hemoglobin value and estimated glomerular filtration rate at baseline.

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Malaria poses a significant public health problem worldwide. The World Health Organization indicates that approximately 40% of the world's population and almost 85% of the population from the South–East Asian region is at risk of contracting malaria. India being the most populous country in the region, contributes the highest number of malaria cases and deaths attributed to malaria. Orissa is the state that has the highest number of malaria cases and deaths attributable to malaria. A secondary data analysis was carried out to evaluate the effectiveness of the World bank-assisted Malaria Action Program in the state of Orissa under the health sector reforms of 1995-96. The secondary analysis utilized the government of India's National Anti Malaria Management Information System's (NAMMIS) surveillance data and the National Family Health Survey (NFHS–I and NFHS–II) datasets to compare the malaria mortality and morbidity in the state between 1992-93 and 1998-99. Results revealed no effect of the intervention and indicated an increase of 2.18 times in malaria mortality between 1992-1999 and an increase of 1.53 times in malaria morbidity between 1992-93 and 1998-99 in the state. The difference in the age-adjusted malaria morbidity in the state between the time periods of 1992-93 and 1998-99 proved to be highly significant (t = 4.29 df=16, p<. 0005) whereas the difference between the increase of age-adjusted malaria morbidity during 1992-93 and 1998-99 between Orissa (with intervention) and Bihar (no intervention) proved to be non significant (t=.0471 df=16, p<.50). Factors such as underutilization of World Bank funds for the malaria control program, inadequate health care infrastructure, structural adjustment problems, poor management, poor financial management, parasite resistance to anti-malarial drugs, inadequate supply of drugs and staff shortages may have contributed to the failure of the program in the state.^

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Despite having been identified over thirty years ago and definitively established as having a critical role in driving tumor growth and predicting for resistance to therapy, the KRAS oncogene remains a target in cancer for which there is no effective treatment. KRas is activated b y mutations at a few sites, primarily amino acid substitutions at codon 12 which promote a constitutively active state. I have found that different amino acid substitutions at codon 12 can activate different KRas downstream signaling pathways, determine clonogenic growth potential and determine patient response to molecularly targeted therapies. Computer modeling of the KRas structure shows that different amino acids substituted at the codon 12 position influences how KRas interacts with its effecters. In the absence of a direct inhibitor of mutant KRas several agents have recently entered clinical trials alone and in combination directly targeting two of the common downstream effecter pathways of KRas, namely the Mapk pathway and the Akt pathway. These inhibitors were evaluated for efficacy against different KRAS activating mutations. An isogenic panel of colorectal cells with wild type KRas replaced with KRas G12C, G12D, or G12V at the endogenous loci differed in sensitivity to Mek and Akt inhibition. In contrast, screening was performed in a broad panel of lung cell lines alone and no correlation was seen between types of activating KRAS mutation due to concurrent oncogenic lesions. To find a new method to inhibit KRAS driven tumors, siRNA screens were performed in isogenic lines with and without active KRas. The knockdown of CNKSR1 (CNK1) showed selective growth inhibition in cells with an oncogenic KRAS. The deletion of CNK1 reduces expression of mitotic cell cycle proteins and arrests cells with active KRas in the G1 phase of the cell cycle similar to the deletion of an activated KRas regardless of activating substitution. CNK1 has a PH domain responsible for localizing it to membrane lipids making KRas potentially amenable to inhibition with small molecules. The work has identified a series of small molecules capable of binding to this PH domain and inhibiting CNK1 facilitated KRas signaling.

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This dissertation engages the question of why German political elites accepted the use of force during the 1990s and started to commit the country's armed forces to multilateral peacekeeping missions. Previous governments of the Federal Republic had opposed foreign deployment of the military and Germany was characterized by a unique strategic culture in which the efficacy of military force was widely regarded as negative. The rediscovery of the use of force constituted a significant reorientation of German security policy with potentially profound implications for international relations. I use social role theory to explain Germany's security policy reorientation. I argue that political elites shared a national role conception of their country as a dependable and reliable ally. Role expectations of the international security environment changed as a result of a general shift to multilateral intervention as means to address emerging security problems after the Cold War. Germany's resistance to the use of force was viewed as inappropriate conduct for a power possessing the economic and military wherewithal of the Federal Republic. Elites from allied countries exerted social pressure to have Germany contribute commensurate with capabilities. German political elites adapted role behavior in response to external expectations in an effort to preserve the national role conception of a dependable and reliable ally. Security policy reorientation to maintain Germany's national role conception was pursued by conservative elites who acted as 'role entrepreneurs'. CDU/CSU politicians initiated a process of role adaptation to include the use of force for non-defensive missions. They persuaded Social Democrats and Alliance 90/Green party politicians that the maintenance of the country's role conception necessitated a reorientation in security policy to accommodate the changes in the security environment.

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This research provides an institutional explanation of the practices of external intervention in the Arab state system from the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1922 to the Arab Spring. My explanation consists of two institutional variables: sovereignty and inter-state borders. I examine the changes in regional and international norms of sovereignty and their impact on the practices of external intervention in the Arab state system. I also examine the impact of the level of institutionalization of inter-state borders in the Arab World on the practices of external intervention. I argue that changes in regional and international norms of sovereignty and changes in the level of institutionalization of inter-state borders have constituted the significant variation over time in both the frequency and type of external intervention in the Arab state system from 1922 to the present. My institutional explanation and findings seriously challenge the traditional accounts of sovereignty and intervention in the Arab World, including the cultural perspectives that emphasize the conflict between sovereignty, Arabism, and Islam, the constructivist accounts that emphasize the regional norm of pan-Arabism, the comparative politics explanations that focus on the domestic material power of the Arab state, the post-colonial perspectives that emphasize the artificiality of the Arab state, and the realist accounts that focus on great powers and the regional distribution of power in the Middle East. This research also contributes to International Relations Theory. I construct a new analytical framework to study the relations between sovereignty, borders, and intervention, combining theoretical elements from the fields of Role Theory, Social Constructivism, and Institutionalization. Methodologically, this research includes both quantitative and qualitative analysis. I conduct content analysis of official documents of Arab states and the Arab League, Arabic press documents, and Arab political thought. I also utilize quantitative data sets on international intervention.

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As French forces are engaged in combat operations in Mali, even belated EU involvement remains crucial, to ensure that the intervention fits in with the political end-state that the EU rightly pursues.

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Mémoire récipiendaire de la mention "Excellent", avec les félicitations du jury.

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Cette recherche porte sur les pratiques d’intervention des agents de réponse en intervention de crise (RIC), de leur partenaire fixe et des agents en attente de la formation du Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM) auprès des personnes en crise ou atteintes de troubles mentaux. Les agents RIC sont des patrouilleurs de première ligne qui ont reçu une formation complète sur les principes d’intervention en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale. Ce modèle de réponse spécialisée est une solution proactive qui a pour but d’améliorer l’action policière en situation de crise et de veiller à une meilleure prise en charge de ces personnes par les ressources institutionnelles. La désinstitutionnalisation des soins et des services psychiatriques a eu pour effet une augmentation du nombre de personnes atteintes de troubles mentaux dans la communauté. Par conséquent, cet accroissement a engendré des rapports plus fréquents entre les services policiers et cette clientèle. Les interventions en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale sont particulières et complexes, de même qu’elles requièrent un niveau supérieur de compréhension des crises humaines. Les autorités policières ont admis que ces interventions représentent une part significative de leur travail et que la formation policière traditionnelle ne les prépare pas suffisamment pour intervenir adéquatement auprès de cette population. En réponse à ces considérations et dans l’objectif d’améliorer leur capacité d’agir, les forces policières se sont dotées de modèles de réponse policière spécialisée en intervention de crise. L’approche la plus répandue est l’équipe d’intervention de crise (« crisis intervention team » ou « CIT »), aussi appelée le modèle de Memphis. Il existe plusieurs variantes de ce modèle, mais les composantes principales, c’est-à-dire la formation avancée et la consolidation d’un partenariat avec le système de santé demeurent dans l’ensemble de ces structures. L’objectif de cette recherche consiste à sonder les perceptions des agents RIC, de leur partenaire fixe et des agents en attente de la formation afin de comprendre et de contraster leurs visions et leurs pratiques d’intervention en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale. Chaque groupe a apporté des précisions intéressantes. Nous avons conduit 12 entrevues qualitatives avec des policiers du SPVM. De façon générale, les participants rapportent que leurs pratiques d’intervention auprès des personnes en crise ou atteintes de troubles mentaux sont davantage ancrées dans une perspective de relation d’aide. Ils mentionnent également que la communication, l’écoute et la confiance doivent être privilégiées avant tout autre stratégie dans les situations qui les permettent et que la force doit être employée seulement lorsqu’elle est nécessaire, c’est-à-dire lorsque leur sécurité ou celle d’autrui est en péril ou lorsque la communication n’est pas possible. Puis, ils admettent que le recours à l’expertise des intervenants en santé mentale permet une analyse plus approfondie de la situation et de l’état mental de la personne visée par l’intervention. D’autre part, en ce qui concerne les limites de la formation policière traditionnelle, les candidats ont soulevé qu’il y a un manque de connaissances en matière de santé mentale ainsi qu’une difficulté associée à l’évaluation de l’état de la personne et du besoin de transport ont été soulevés. Sur le plan des apprentissages, les agents RIC disent avoir une compréhension plus globale de la problématique de santé mentale, de meilleures habiletés communicationnelles, une analyse plus approfondie de la situation, de plus grandes connaissances juridiques, une compréhension du fonctionnement des services hospitaliers ainsi qu’une appréciation particulière pour le partage de savoirs et les principes d’endiguement. Ils font part également de l’importance des rapports pour documenter l’évolution de l’état mental d’une personne et ils ajoutent que la dimension temporelle joue un rôle clé dans la résolution définitive de la problématique. Au sujet des partenaires, ils évoquent des retombées similaires. Toutefois, à la suite de la formation, ils reconnaissent davantage l’importance de leur rôle dans la sécurité de leur partenaire et ils y accordent dorénavant une attention marquée lors de ces interventions. Enfin, les agents non formés formulent des attentes relatives au développement d’outils et de compétences, ce qui leur sera rendu dans la formation RIC. Globalement, les agents RIC et les partenaires interviewés ont modifié leurs pratiques pour les arrimer avec la philosophie des interventions en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale. Ils ont également davantage confiance en leurs capacités et habiletés d’intervention auprès des personnes en crise ou atteintes de troubles mentaux grâce aux connaissances acquises dans la formation.

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The European Commission’s interference through state aid rules with the Member States’ support for public service broadcasting is not undisputed. Member States, public broadcasters and numerous academics fear that State aid control might limit the public service remit and, hence, the multi-platform and holistic role of public broadcasters in the converging media industries. This paper assesses to what extent the fear for Commission intervention is, indeed, justified. It starts with the assumption that the transformation from public service broadcasting to public service media is vital for the European democratic society. The paper leads to the observation that, in fact, European State aid policy might contribute to such a necessary and urgent transformation, instead of threatening it. The paper consists of three main parts. Firstly, the legal constraints and margins of the Community’s State aid framework are discussed. Secondly, the application of the rules to a selection of public broadcasting cases is analyzed. Finally, some conclusions are drawn from the analysis.

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The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.

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Mémoire récipiendaire de la mention "Excellent", avec les félicitations du jury.

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Cette recherche porte sur les pratiques d’intervention des agents de réponse en intervention de crise (RIC), de leur partenaire fixe et des agents en attente de la formation du Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM) auprès des personnes en crise ou atteintes de troubles mentaux. Les agents RIC sont des patrouilleurs de première ligne qui ont reçu une formation complète sur les principes d’intervention en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale. Ce modèle de réponse spécialisée est une solution proactive qui a pour but d’améliorer l’action policière en situation de crise et de veiller à une meilleure prise en charge de ces personnes par les ressources institutionnelles. La désinstitutionnalisation des soins et des services psychiatriques a eu pour effet une augmentation du nombre de personnes atteintes de troubles mentaux dans la communauté. Par conséquent, cet accroissement a engendré des rapports plus fréquents entre les services policiers et cette clientèle. Les interventions en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale sont particulières et complexes, de même qu’elles requièrent un niveau supérieur de compréhension des crises humaines. Les autorités policières ont admis que ces interventions représentent une part significative de leur travail et que la formation policière traditionnelle ne les prépare pas suffisamment pour intervenir adéquatement auprès de cette population. En réponse à ces considérations et dans l’objectif d’améliorer leur capacité d’agir, les forces policières se sont dotées de modèles de réponse policière spécialisée en intervention de crise. L’approche la plus répandue est l’équipe d’intervention de crise (« crisis intervention team » ou « CIT »), aussi appelée le modèle de Memphis. Il existe plusieurs variantes de ce modèle, mais les composantes principales, c’est-à-dire la formation avancée et la consolidation d’un partenariat avec le système de santé demeurent dans l’ensemble de ces structures. L’objectif de cette recherche consiste à sonder les perceptions des agents RIC, de leur partenaire fixe et des agents en attente de la formation afin de comprendre et de contraster leurs visions et leurs pratiques d’intervention en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale. Chaque groupe a apporté des précisions intéressantes. Nous avons conduit 12 entrevues qualitatives avec des policiers du SPVM. De façon générale, les participants rapportent que leurs pratiques d’intervention auprès des personnes en crise ou atteintes de troubles mentaux sont davantage ancrées dans une perspective de relation d’aide. Ils mentionnent également que la communication, l’écoute et la confiance doivent être privilégiées avant tout autre stratégie dans les situations qui les permettent et que la force doit être employée seulement lorsqu’elle est nécessaire, c’est-à-dire lorsque leur sécurité ou celle d’autrui est en péril ou lorsque la communication n’est pas possible. Puis, ils admettent que le recours à l’expertise des intervenants en santé mentale permet une analyse plus approfondie de la situation et de l’état mental de la personne visée par l’intervention. D’autre part, en ce qui concerne les limites de la formation policière traditionnelle, les candidats ont soulevé qu’il y a un manque de connaissances en matière de santé mentale ainsi qu’une difficulté associée à l’évaluation de l’état de la personne et du besoin de transport ont été soulevés. Sur le plan des apprentissages, les agents RIC disent avoir une compréhension plus globale de la problématique de santé mentale, de meilleures habiletés communicationnelles, une analyse plus approfondie de la situation, de plus grandes connaissances juridiques, une compréhension du fonctionnement des services hospitaliers ainsi qu’une appréciation particulière pour le partage de savoirs et les principes d’endiguement. Ils font part également de l’importance des rapports pour documenter l’évolution de l’état mental d’une personne et ils ajoutent que la dimension temporelle joue un rôle clé dans la résolution définitive de la problématique. Au sujet des partenaires, ils évoquent des retombées similaires. Toutefois, à la suite de la formation, ils reconnaissent davantage l’importance de leur rôle dans la sécurité de leur partenaire et ils y accordent dorénavant une attention marquée lors de ces interventions. Enfin, les agents non formés formulent des attentes relatives au développement d’outils et de compétences, ce qui leur sera rendu dans la formation RIC. Globalement, les agents RIC et les partenaires interviewés ont modifié leurs pratiques pour les arrimer avec la philosophie des interventions en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale. Ils ont également davantage confiance en leurs capacités et habiletés d’intervention auprès des personnes en crise ou atteintes de troubles mentaux grâce aux connaissances acquises dans la formation.

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"Reprint from the Department of State Bulletin, April 22, 1974. Research Project no. 1066c (Revised)."

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"Prepared with funding from the National Institute of Education, U.S. Department of Education under contract no. NIE 400-83-0023"--T.p. verso.