831 resultados para Intergovernmental relations
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The paper is about the role played by the municipalities in the literacy teacher continuing education policies. It is a research conducted in Ceará municipalities, Brazil, having the period between 2003 and 2006 as a contextual sample. The study brings the notion of intergovernmental relations and cooperative mechanisms as theoretical and central tools and, through interrelated stages of bibliographical and document analysis as well as fieldwork, it is carried out the analysis of the interrelation between the municipal policies and the policies developed by the Federal and/or State Government for literacy teacher continuing education. The research reveals that in the field of the realities examined taking care of the literacy teacher continuing education policies is not an exclusive municipal role, but it is a common competence of the federated entities within the Brazilian cooperative federalism.
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The search for political determinants of intergovernmental fiscal relations has shaped much of the recent literature on the economic viability of federalism. This study assesses the explanatory power of two competing views about intergovernmental transfers; one emphasizing the traditional neoclassical approach to federal-subnational fiscal relations and the other suggesting that transfers are contingent on the political fortunes and current political vulnerability of each level of government. The author tests these models using data from Argentina, a federation exhibiting one of the most decentralised fiscal systems in the world and severe imbalances in the territorial distribution of legislative and economic resources. It is shown that overrespresented provinces ruled by governors who belong to opposition parties can bring into play their political overrepresentation to attract shares of federal transfers beyond social welfare criteria and to shield themselves from unwanted reforms to increase fiscal co-responsibilty. This finding suggests that decision makers in federal countries must pay close heed to the need to synchronize institutional reforms and fiscal adjustment.
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Incluye Bibliografía
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Mode of access: Internet.
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The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.
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The EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and its accompanying Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions can be tools used to increase the international profile of the European Union. Nevertheless, CSDP missions garner little news coverage. This article argues that the very nature of the missions themselves makes them poor vehicles for EU promotion for political, institutional, and logistical reasons. By definition, they are conducted in the middle of crises, making news coverage politically sensitive. The very act of reporting could undermine the mission. Institutionally, all CSDP missions are intergovernmental, making press statements slow, overly bureaucratic, and of little interest to journalists. Logistically, the missions are often located in remote, undeveloped parts of the world, making it difficult and expensive for European and international journalists to cover. Moreover, these regions in crisis seldom have a thriving, local free press. Using the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) as a case study, the author concludes that although a mission may do good, CSDP missions cannot fulfil the political function of raising the profile of the EU.
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Hearings held Sept. 30, 1957-Jan. 28, 1958 in various cities.
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Caption title.
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"September 1985."
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Co-authors : Sandra Roberts and Anne Cohen.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Az EU fiskális szabályai bevezetésük óta az akadémiai kutatások homlokterében állnak. A nemzeti szintű fiskális szabályok vizsgálata ugyanakkor egy jobbára negligált területe maradt a nemzetközi kutatásoknak. Az idén életbe lépett új költségvetési paktum éppen ezen nemzeti szintű, a költségvetés egyensúlyát előíró szabályok bevezetésétől várja a fiskális fegyelem meghonosítását az EU országaiban. A tanulmány megmutatja, hogy az olyan nemzeti szabályok, mint a német aranyszabály, nem tekinthetők a fiskális fegyelem egyedüli letéteményeseinek. Ezek ugyanis többnyire egy átfogó reformcsomag részei voltak csupán. Amire szükség van ezért, az egy átfogó és átgondolt államháztartási reform, valamint a szabályok nemzeti birtokbavétele. Az új paktumot is ezen pontokon volna szükséges erősíteni. ______ The scrutiny of EU fiscal rules such as the Maastricht criteria and the Stability and Growth Pact has become the focus of many scholarly works. The study of domestic fiscal rules, however, has remained a neglected part of research. The new Treaty on Stability, Cooperation and Governance (TSCG), however, makes the analysis of domestic fiscal rules highly relevant, since the treaty requires member states to adopt a balanced budget rule. The paper demonstrates that domestic rules such as the German golden rule were hardly the sole triggering factors of fiscal discipline; rather, they served as the key elements of a comprehensive reform package. Thus, the paper argues that without bold and comprehensive reforms of the general government on the one hand and national ownership on the other hand, no fiscal rule can be effective enough. The new TSCG should be strengthened, therefore, in this particular aspect.