970 resultados para Igualdade racial


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O artigo estuda a importância do direito à educação escolar, que, mais do que uma exigência contemporânea ligada aos processos produtivos e de inserção profissional, responde a valores da cidadania social e política. Buscam-se no processo histórico da modernidade, no acervo doutrinário e no conjunto normativo, inclusive internacional, as bases desses valores.

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O artigo analisa o debate sobre ação afirmativa no Brasil à luz da bibliografia sobre racismo e sobre os fundamentos jurídicos da igualdade de oportunidades. A partir desta perspectiva, polemiza com as visões que criticam a implementação de políticas compensatórias, reunindo evidências sobre a participação do Estado na legitimação da discriminação racial no país. Tal envolvimento é explorado na instituição escolar, examinando-se as conseqüências do preconceito sobre a identidade e a auto-estima das crianças e jovens negros.

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O objetivo deste artigo é examinar a proposta corrente de racialização da população brasileira pelo Estado, com vistas a amparar programas de ação afirmativa para o atendimento específico daqueles que se autodenominarem negros. Analisa-se, inicialmente, o ressurgimento da noção de raça entre acadêmicos, políticos e militantes do anti-racismo, bem como as dificuldades de se delimitar quem é negro no Brasil. Em seguida, examina-se o modelo de cota racial dos Estados Unidos e seu apregoado sucesso. Por fim, busca-se avaliar até que ponto a instituição de cota racial no emprego e na universidade deveria se impor como a única opção política para aqueles que pretendem a abolição do racismo na sociedade brasileira.

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Na reunião de Cúpula do Milênio, realizada no ano 2000, líderes máximos de países do mundo inteiro comprometeram-se a envidar todo tipo de esforços para atingir oito metas de desenvolvimento até 2015. O Secretário-Geral da ONU, tratando de mobilizar a vontade política necessária para implementar os compromissos assumidos com as metas, criou o Projeto Milênio para dar embasamento técnico às formas mais eficientes de alcançar cada uma delas. Esse projeto possui vários grupos de trabalho, um dos quais está encarregado da meta 2 (acesso universal à educação primária até o ano de 2015) e da meta 3 (promoção da igualdade entre os gêneros e empoderamento das mulheres). Este artigo analisa alguns aspectos da interseção desses dois temas porque, tradicionalmente, de um lado, as questões de gênero têm recebido pouca atenção nos debates educacionais e, de outro, a educação tem tido pouco destaque na agenda da igualdade de gêneros.

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Objetiva o artigo desenvolver uma análise a respeito das ações afirmativas sob a perspectiva dos direitos humanos. Inicialmente, trata da concepção contemporânea de direitos humanos, introduzida pela Declaração Universal de 1948, com ênfase na universalidade, indivisibilidade e interdependência dos direitos humanos. Em um segundo momento são apreciadas as ações afirmativas da perspectiva dos direitos humanos, com destaque dos valores da igualdade e diversidade. Por fim, são avaliadas as perspectivas e desafios para a implementação da igualdade étnico-racial na ordem contemporânea.

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Este artigo examina as crescentes demandas por acesso ao ensino superior em período em que se assiste a um deslizamento do debate sobre igualdade de oportunidades do plano da educação obrigatória para o terreno da educação superior. Representando os interesses dos novos grupos de concluintes de educação básica, proliferaram, a partir do final dos anos 90, dentro de movimentos sociais voltados para segmentos desassistidos da população, cursos preparatórios ao ensino superior, gratuitos e sem fins lucrativos. No âmbito das universidades públicas do Estado de São Paulo, igualmente sensíveis às urgências sociais da inclusão, registram-se também ações favoráveis ao acesso e à permanência desses segmentos sociais nos cursos oferecidos. O artigo analisa as ambigüidades e as aberturas presentes em programas preparatórios ao ensino superior, tomando como referência o Programa Pró-Universitário, voltados aos alunos da série terminal da educação básica, pertencentes à rede estadual de ensino, desenvolvido pela Universidade de São Paulo em parceria com a Secretaria de Estado da Educação. Traz uma análise do perfil dos alunos participantes e uma reflexão sobre os efeitos desse tipo de iniciativa sobre a relação dos jovens com o saber e sobre a construção de suas identidades. Sugere que a ação afirmativa para a inclusão de jovens dos segmentos populares em instituições públicas de ensino superior requer uma proposta educativa na qual a socialização e a aprendizagem estejam intimamente ligadas. O domínio dos saberes preparatórios aos exames de acesso deixa de ser considerado apenas pelo valor instrumental e adquire outros significados como uma nova maneira de ver o mundo, relacionar-se consigo mesmo e com o outro.

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Este artigo tem porobjetivo tensionar as implicaçõesepistemológicas e políticas dos conceitos de igualdade/desigualdade e diversidade. Para tanto, focaliza as implicações de cada um deles no campo da educação infantil brasileira. O artigo, apoiando-se nos enfoques teóricos de Nancy Fraser e Antônio Flávio Pierucci, esboça um modelo para compreensão das desigualdades raciais na educação brasileira. Tais perspectivas teóricas são usadas para analisar normativas e padrões de oferta da educação infantil do ponto de vista das relações raciais.

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De acordo com uma documentação que contabilizou a população de Minas Gerais, nos anos de 1830, havia um predomínio dos negros entre os alunos das escolas de instrução elementar. Neste artigo, procuramos investigar os significados dessa experiência para a população negra através da confrontação de documentos censitários do distrito de Cachoeira do Campo/MG, que se encontrava no termo de Ouro Preto, na região central da província. O procedimento de análise ocorreu a partir da separação dos domicílios em que havia o registro de crianças frequentando escolas, em 1831. Em seguida, identificamos esses domicílios na documentação de 1838 analisando a situação dos indivíduos escolarizados e de seu grupo familiar. O intervalo de sete anos entre os documentos possibilitou a avaliação dos impactos da experiência escolar, revelando, entre outras coisas, que negros escolarizados eram preferencialmente designados como pardos e estes podiam mudar de status racial, passando até mesmo a ser classificados como brancos.

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L’objectiu d’aquest treball es investigar pensaments i actituds dels joves no musulmans cap a les persones musulmanes i també dels joves musulmans cap a les persones no musulmanes i musulmanes. També esbrinar la connexió entre estereotip racial i el terme «islamofòbia». L’estudi s’ha realitzat amb joves d’entre 14 i 18 anys que estan estudiant els cursos de 3er i 4rt d’E.S.O en Instituts de la ciutat de Vic. Anteriorment a aquest estudi, es pot observar dins el treball una fonamentació teòrica sobre l’estereotip racial, els models d’estudi contemporani d’aquest, l’aparició del terme «islamofòbia» i el seu antagònic «occidentofòbia», així com també l’influenciabilitat dels joves en l’adolescència. Per tal de realitzar aquesta investigació s’ha aplicat una enquesta. Els resultats obtinguts un cop realitzat l’estudi, han demostrat que alguns pensaments i actituds recollides sobre les persones musulmanes estan basades en estereotips de tipus racial sovint amb un tendència pejorativa cap a aquest grup social.

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This report presents the results of a literature review conducted to evaluate differences in seat belt use by race. A literature review was conducted to evaluate overall seat belt use, racial differences in seat belt use, overall child restraint use, racial differences in child restraint use, and information about seat belt and child restraint use specific to Iowa. A number of national studies and regional studies were found and are presented. Mixed results were found as to whether racial differences exist in both seat belt use and child restraint use. However, in the course of the literature review, several items that are of interest to safety in Iowa have emerged, although little data specific to Iowa was encountered. First, national seat belt use appears to be lower among African-Americans than for Caucasians or Hispanics. Second, national crash rates among Hispanics appear to be higher than those for Caucasians, particularly when population and lower vehicle miles traveled (VMT) are considered. One issue that should be considered throughout this literature review is that the Hispanic population may be higher than reported due to large numbers of undocumented persons who do not appear in population estimates, driver’s license, or other databases.

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The focus of this study is to examine the role of police and immigrants’ relations, as less is known about this process in the country. The studies were approached in two different ways. Firstly, an attempt was made to examine how immigrants view their encounters with the police. Secondly, the studies explored how aware the police are of immigrants’ experiences in their various encounters and interactions on the street level. An ancillary aim of the studies is to clarify, analyse and discuss how prejudice and stereotypes can be tackled, thereby contributing to the general debate about racism and discrimination for better ethnic relations in the country. The data in which this analysis was based is on a group of adults (n=88) from the total of 120 Africans questioned for the entire study (n=45) police cadets and (n=6) serving police officers from Turku. The present thesis is a compilation of five articles. A summary of each article findings follows, as the same data was used in all five studies. In the first study, a theoretical model was developed to examine the perceived knowledge of bias by immigrants resulting from race, culture and belief. This was also an attempt to explore whether this knowledge was predetermined in my attempt to classify and discuss as well as analyse the factors that may be influencing immigrants’ allegations of unfair treatment by the police in Turku. The main finding shows that in the first paper there was ignorance and naivety on the part of the police in their attitudes towards the African immigrant’s prior experiences with the police, and this may probably have resulted from stereotypes or their lack of experience as well as prior training with immigrants where these kinds of experience are rampant in the country (Egharevba, 2003 and 2004a). In exploring what leads to stereotypes, a working definition is the assumption that is prevalent among some segments of the population, including the police, that Finland is a homogenous country by employing certain conducts and behaviour towards ethnic and immigrant groups in the country. This to my understanding is stereotype. Historically this was true, but today the social topography of the country is changing and becoming even more complex. It is true that, on linguistic grounds, the country is multilingual, as there are a few recognised national minority languages (Swedish, Sami and Russian) as well as a number of immigrant languages including English. Apparently it is vital for the police to have a line of communication open when addressing the problem associated with immigrants in the country. The second paper moved a step further by examining African immigrants’ understanding of human rights as well as what human rights violation means or entails in their views as a result of their experiences with the police, both in Finland and in their country of origin. This approach became essential during the course of the study, especially when the participants were completing the questionnaire (N=88), where volunteers were solicited for a later date for an in-depth interview with the author. Many of the respondents came from countries where human rights are not well protected and seldom discussed publicly, therefore understanding their views on the subject can help to explain why some of the immigrants are sceptical about coming forward to report cases of batteries and assaults to the police, or even their experiences of being monitored in shopping malls in their new home and the reason behind their low level of trust in public authorities in Finland. The study showed that knowledge of human rights is notably low among some of the participants. The study also found that female respondents were less aware of human rights when compared with their male counterparts. This has resulted in some of the male participants focussing more on their traditional ways of thinking by not realising that they are in a new country where there is equality in sexes and lack of respect on gender terms is not condoned. The third paper focussed on the respondents’ experiences with the police in Turku and tried to explore police attitudes towards African immigrant clients, in addition to the role stereotype plays in police views of different cultures and how these views have impacted on immigrants’ views of discriminatory policing in Turku. The data is the same throughout the entire studies (n=88), except that some few participants were interviewed for the third paper thirty-five persons. The results showed that there is some bias in mass-media reports on the immigrants’ issues, due to selective portrayal of biases without much investigation being carried out before jumping to conclusions, especially when the issues at stake involve an immigrant (Egharevba, 2005a; Egharevba, 2004a and 2004b). In this vein, there was an allegation that the police are even biased while investigating cases of theft, especially if the stolen property is owned by an immigrant (Egharevba, 2006a, Egharevba, 2006b). One vital observation from the respondents’ various comments was that race has meaning in their encounters and interaction with the police in the country. This result led the author to conclude that the relation between the police and immigrants is still a challenge, as there is rampant fear and distrust towards the police by some segments of the participating respondents in the study. In the fourth paper the focus was on examining the respondents’ view of the police, with special emphasis on race and culture as well as the respondents’ perspective on police behaviour in Turku. This is because race, as it was relayed to me in the study, is a significant predictor of police perception (Egharevba, 2005a; Egharevba and Hannikianen, 2005). It is a known scientific fact that inter-group racial attitudes are the representation of group competition and perceived threat to power and status (Group-position theory). According to Blumer (1958) a sense of group threat is an essential element for the emergence of racial prejudice. Consequently, it was essential that we explored the existing relationship between the respondents and the police in order to have an understanding of this concept. The result indicates some local and international contextual issues and assumptions that were of importance tackling prejudice and discrimination as it exists within the police in the country. Moreover, we have to also remember that, for years, many of these African immigrants have been on the receiving end of unjust law enforcement in their various countries of origin, which has resulted in many of them feeling inferior and distrustful of the police even in their own country of origin. While discussing the issues of cultural difference and how it affects policing, we must also keep in mind the socio-cultural background of the participants, their level of language proficiency and educational background. The research data analysed in this study also confirmed the difficulties associated with cultural misunderstandings in interpreting issues and how these misunderstandings have affected police and immigrant relations in Finland. Finally, the fifth paper focussed on cadets’ attitudes towards African immigrants as well as serving police officers’ interaction with African clients. Secondly, the police level of awareness of African immigrants’ distrustfulness of their profession was unclear. For this reason, my questions in this fifth study examined the experiences and attitudes of police cadets and serving police officers as well as those of African immigrants in understanding how to improve this relationship in the country. The data was based on (n=88) immigrant participants, (n=45) police cadets and 6 serving police officers from the Turku police department. The result suggests that there is distrust of the police in the respondents’ interaction; this tends to have galvanised a heightened tension resulting from the lack of language proficiency (Egharevba and White, 2007; Egharevba and Hannikainen, 2005, and Egharevba, 2006b) The result also shows that the allegation of immigrants as being belittled by the police stems from the misconceptions of both parties as well as the notion of stop and search by the police in Turku. All these factors were observed to have contributed to the alleged police evasiveness and the lack of regular contact between the respondents and the police in their dealings. In other words, the police have only had job-related contact with many of the participants in the present study. The results also demonstrated the complexities caused by the low level of education among some of the African immigrants in their understanding about the Finnish culture, norms and values in the country. Thus, the framework constructed in these studies embodies diversity in national culture as well as the need for a further research study with a greater number of respondents (both from the police and immigrant/majority groups), in order to explore the different role cultures play in immigrant and majority citizens’ understanding of police work.

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Few studies are available about racial inequalities in perinatal health in Brazil and little is known about whether the existing inequality is due to socioeconomic factors or to racial discrimination per se. Data regarding the Ribeirão Preto birth cohort, Brazil, whose mothers were interviewed from June 1, 1978 to May 31, 1979 were used to answer these questions. The perinatal factors were obtained from the birth questionnaire and the ethnic data were obtained from 2063 participants asked about self-reported skin color at early adulthood (23-25 years of age) in 2002/2004. Mothers of mulatto and black children had higher rates of low schooling (£4 years, 27.2 and 38.0%) and lower family income (£1 minimum wage, 28.6 and 30.4%). Mothers aged less than 20 years old predominated among mulattos (17.0%) and blacks (14.0%). Higher rates of low birth weight and smoking during pregnancy were observed among mulatto individuals (9.6 and 28.8%). Preterm birth rate was higher among mulattos (9.5%) and blacks (9.7%) than whites (5.5%). White individuals had higher rates of cesarean delivery (34.9%). Skin color remained as an independent risk factor for low birth weight (P < 0.001), preterm birth (P = 0.01), small for gestational age (P = 0.01), and lack of prenatal care (P = 0.02) after adjustment for family income and maternal schooling, suggesting that the racial inequalities regarding these indicators are explained by the socioeconomic disadvantage experienced by mulattos and blacks but are also influenced by other factors, possibly by racial discrimination and/or genetics.