867 resultados para ISLAND SOUTHEAST-ASIA


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The United States has exerted a major influence on Southeast Asia, especially since World War II. As both a promoter of neoliberal reform and as the key strategic actor in the wider East Asian region, the impact of U.S. power has been immense. But both the Asian economic crisis and its aftermath, and the more recent war on terror, have highlighted the contradictory impact of evolving U.S. foreign policy and intervention in the region. At both an elite and a mass level there is evidence of resentment about, and hostility toward, U.S. policy and its perceived negative effects. This article outlines how U.S. foreign policy has impacted the region in the economic, political, and security spheres, and argues that not only has it frequently not achieved its goals, but it may in fact be undermining both America's long-term hegemonic position in the region and any prospects for political liberalization.

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The acid soils of the uplands of Southeast Asia have resisted intensive agricultural use for centuries. In recent decades, however, due to rapid population growth, escalating market demand for agricultural produce, and govemment policies for land development and settlement, the acid uplands have become the focus of more intensive land-use systems, placing greater demands on farmers and requiring the development and dissemination of improved practices for soil management. In order to develop appropriate soil management technologies and plan effective interventions to facilitate their adoption, it is important to understand the goals and circumstances of farmers in the acid uplands, the range of farming systems they have developed, and the variety of socio-economic factors and trends influencing the evolution of these farming systems. Building on Boserup's model of agrarian change, an evolutionary framework is developed and applied to five case studies: a long-fallow (shifting) cultivation system in Sarawak, Malaysia; a short-fallow system in South Kalimantan, Indonesia; a continuous cropping system in Bukidnon, Philippines; a tree crop (with intercropping) system in Southern Thailand; a livestock grazing system in Daclac, Vietnam. The framework provides a useful tool to interpret and categorise farmers' evolving soil management strategies and to plan more effective soil management research and interventions. (c) 2004 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Exorts processing zones (EPZs) and growth triangles have been two common Asian initiatives to increase wealth and regional competitiveness in the world economy. Since they are seldom analysed jointly, this paper investigates their mutuality in the development process. Taking the problematic case of the Brunei-Indonesia-Malaysia-Philippines East ASEAN Growth Area (BIMP-EAGA) triangle, we explore the role of EPZs in enhancing regional collaboration, competitiveness, and domestic linkages. Despite the triangle's weak economic complementarities, its processing zones are found capable of advancing development by furthering opportunities in regionalisation/localisation of production. Latterly, trade and investment liberalisation within ASEAN raises broad questions about the rationale of EPZs and growth triangles. Zone-triangle nexuses will require rethinking as, under different regulatory conditions, the zones compete more directly across ASEAN and also with global rivals. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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Despite global trends towards military reform characterized by processes of professionalization and democratization, militaries in Southeast Asia have continued to play prominent roles in domestic politics since 11 September. This suggests that wider patterns of global military reform have not had as great an impact on the control, capacity and cooperative functions of armed forces in Southeast Asia as they may have elsewhere. In order to explore why the security sector reform agenda has had so little impact in the region, we investigate recent patterns of civil-military relations in Southeast Asia by focusing on the experiences of four of the region's militaries: Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia. We argue that the security sector reform agenda is informed by a predominantly North American approach to civil-military relations based on a number of core assumptions that do not reflect Southeast Asian experiences. Hence, we ask whether the reform agenda itself could be modified to better suit the Southeast Asian context. We suggest that although the regional military sector has not reformed along a 'Western' path it is nonetheless possible to see other types of, and potential for, reform.