Historia política y diplomática desde la independencia de los Estados Unidos hasta nuestros déas (1776-1895)

Mode of access: Internet.

[Heeren's works] Tr. from the German.

Mode of access: Internet.

Political and occasional essays.

Bibliographical references included in "Notes" (p. [413]-445)

Zeiten, völker und menschen.

Contents.--1. bd. Frankreich und die Franzosen, 4. verb. und verm. Aufl., mit einem nachrufe von Heinrich Homberger. 1898.--2. bd. Wälsches und Deutsches. 1875.--3. bd. Aus und über England. 1876.--4 bd. Profile. 2. ausg. 1886.--5. bd. Aus dem Jahrhundert der Revolution. 1881.--6. bd. Zeitgenossen und Zeitgenössisches. 2. ausg. 1886.--7. bd. Culturgeschichtliches. Hrsg. von Jessie Hillebrand. 1885.

Ironclads in action; a sketch of naval warfare from 1855 to 1895, with some account of the development of the battleship in England.

Includes bibliography.

Histoire de l'historiographie moderne,

Mode of access: Internet.

Street's pandex of the news.

Cumulates monthly, quarterly and annually.

"And a child shall lead them?": Slavery, childhood, and African cultural identity in Jamaica, 1750--1838

Based primarily on archival evidence collected in Jamaica, this dissertation examined the nature of childhood in the plantation complex between 1750 and 1838, how colonial society and the slave community defined childhood, and how that definition changed over time. It proves how childhood and slavery influenced and changed each other during these years, with the abolitionist movement standing as the main catalyst for change. Although this project chronologically examined the changing nature of slave childhood in Jamaica through four shifts of Jamaican history, each chapter topically focused on slave childhood through the lenses of labor, family, resistance, race, status, culture, education, and freedom. ^ The research showed that although slavery forced slave children into an early adulthood, childhood was a contested process that changed with each generation of children. As the abolitionist movement motivated changes in planter opinion on the value of children to the plantation economy, planters placed increased responsibility on slave children to lead them towards economic stability and profitability. Meanwhile, slave children struggled to survive slavery by reinventing and modifying their ideas of family and kinship and reacting to their situation through various acts of resistance. Although slave parents gained many opportunities to raise their children on their own terms, they struggled to maintain control over that process as planters attempted to change the nature of African cultural identity in Jamaica by impressing Christian and English values on slave children. Under apprenticeship, childhood returned to its previous status as a liability in the eyes of the Jamaican planters. Yet, Jamaican children faced the prospect of an unwritten childhood, one that was free from planter control and gave Jamaican laborers hope for the future. In the end, this dissertation told the story of an overlooked childhood, one that was often defined by Jamaican planters, but frequently contested by the slaves themselves. ^

Soviet and Western bloc competition in the less developed world and the collapse of Détente

The purpose of my dissertation was to examine the competition between the U.S.-led Western bloc and the Soviet bloc in the less developed world during Détente. I assessed whether or not the Soviet bloc pushed for strategic gains in the less developed world in the middle-to-late 1970's and whether this contributed to the U.S. decision to abandon Détente in 1979. I made the attempt to test the international relations theory of balance of threat realism (Walt, 1992). I accomplished the test in two ways. First, I measured the foreign aid allocations (military and economic) made by each respective bloc towards the Third World by using a quantitative approach. Second, I examined U.S. archives using the process-tracing/historical method. The U.S. archives gave me the ability to evaluate how U.S. decision-makers and U.S. intelligence agencies interpreted the actions of the Soviet bloc. They also gave me the chance to examine the U.S. response as we evaluated the policies that were pushed by key U.S. decision-makers and intelligence agencies. On the question of whether or not the Soviet bloc was aggressive, the quantitative evidence suggested that it was not. Instead, the evidence found the Western-bloc to have been more aggressive in the less developed world. The U.S. archives also showed Soviet actions to have been defensive. Key U.S. decision-makers and intelligence agencies attested to this. Finally, the archives show that U.S. officials pushed for aggressive actions against the Third World during the final years of Détente. Thus, balance of threat realism produced an incorrect assessment that U.S. aggression in the late 1970's was a response to Soviet aggression during Détente. The evidence suggests structural Marxism and domestic politics can better explain U.S./Western actions. The aggressive foreign aid allocations of the West, coupled with evidence of U.S. decision-makers/agencies vehemently concerned about the long-term prospects of the West, strengthened structural Marxism. Domestic politics can also claim to explain the actions of U.S. decision-makers. I found extensive archival evidence of bureaucratic inter-agency conflict between the State Department and other intelligence agencies in areas of strategic concern to the U.S.

Forging professional public health nursing in a southern state: Florida's public health nurses, 1889-1934

From 1889 to 1934, Florida's nurses belonging to a new group of professional women ushered in a pioneering phase of public health nursing in Florida. During this era, the nurses' ability to confront health and professional issues varied a great deal but in quiet and forceful ways they tackled cultural and environmental problems to assist people who were ill or help prevent people from becoming ill. This dissertation places the development of professional public health nursing in its social context by uncovering the relationships public health nurses formed with clubwomen, the medical profession, city leaders, midwives, and others. In 1888, there were few graduate nurses in the state, no state board of health and no organized nursing service to respond to Jacksonville's great yellow fever epidemic. By 1934, national and state leaders of public health nursing had built up the profession to become an essential part of the State Board of Health's service to the community. Between these milestones, in the era of white supremacy and Jim Crow, public health nurses combined their professional training with a pioneer spirit of innovation and risk-taking. In the predominately rural state, the public health nurses' resolve to overcome environmental hazards and cultural obstacles stands out as they attempted to reach those who were unserved or underserved by modern medicine.

"To hold the world in contempt": The British Empire, war, and the Irish and Indian nationalist press, 1899–1914

The era between the close of the nineteenth century and the onset of the First World War witnessed a marked increase in radical agitation among Indian and Irish nationalists. The most outspoken political leaders of the day founded a series of widely circulated newspapers in India and Ireland, placing these editors in the enviable position of both reporting and creating the news. Nationalist journalists were in the vanguard of those pressing vocally for an independent India and Ireland, and together constituted an increasingly problematic contingent for the British Empire. The advanced-nationalist press in Ireland and the nationalist press in India took the lead in facilitating the exchange of provocative ideas--raising awareness of perceived imperial injustices, offering strategic advice, and cementing international solidarity. Irish and Indian press coverage of Britain's imperial wars constituted one of the premier weapons in the nationalists' arsenal, permitting them to build support for their ideology and forward their agenda in a manner both rapid and definitive. Directing their readers' attention to conflicts overseas proved instructive in how the Empire dealt with those who resisted its policies, and also showcased how it conducted its affairs with its allies. As such, critical press coverage of the Boxer Rebellion, Boer War, Russo-Japanese War, and World War I bred disaffection for the Empire, while attempts by the Empire to suppress the critiques further alienated the public. This dissertation offers the first comparative analysis of the major nationalist press organs in India and Ireland, using the prism of war to illustrate the increasingly persuasive role of the press in promoting resistance to the Empire. It focuses on how the leading Indian and Irish editors not only fostered a nationalist agenda within their own countries, but also worked in concert to construct a global anti-imperialist platform. By highlighting the anti-imperial rhetoric of the nationalist press in India and Ireland and illuminating their strategies for attaining self-government, this study deepens understanding of the seeds of nationalism, making a contribution to comparative imperial scholarship, and demonstrating the power of the media to alter imperial dynamics and effect political change.

Ausonius’ Caesares

Ausonio de Burdigala (Burdeos) escribe entre los años 379-383 su obra poética titulada Caesares. Esta colección es una biografía de la vida de los emperadores en verso (hexámetro y dístico elegíaco). Caesares no está completa; la obra acaba de repente en el cuarteto dedicado a Heliogábalo. En este trabajo abordamos el género de la colección, examinamos el estilo de Ausonio en varias partes (monósticos y tetrásticos) y destacamos las fuentes (Suetonio, Tácito, Kaisergeschichte, Mario Máximo). Asimismo valoramos las diferentes opiniones que los estudiosos de Ausonio han expresado sobre la parte perdida de esta colección.

Le pilocentrisme de la France d’Ancien Régime : évolution des représentations de la pilosité de François 1er à Louis XVI

Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec la direction de Jean-Jacques Courtine à l'Université de Paris III Sorbonne Nouvelle sous la discipline anthropologie et avec la direction de Dominique Deslandres à l'Université de Montréal sous la discipline histoire

Réception de l’Histoire des colonies grecques dans la littérature coloniale des XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles

L’objectif de ce travail était d’apporter une réflexion sur les influences du colonialisme européen aux XVII-XVIIIe siècles. Ayant déjà rédigé mon mémoire de fin de maîtrise sur la Corinthe archaïque et ses colonies, j’ai souhaité approfondir la question, en choisissant de situer la problématique dans un contexte historiographique plus large, dans le temps comme dans l’espace. Plusieurs auteurs se sont intéressés aux réceptions de l’Antiquité à des périodes spécifiques (Grell et Alexandre le Grand en France, Richard et les influences antiques de la Révolution américaine,…). Cependant, aucune analyse sur le long terme n’avait encore été fournie, pas davantage qu’une réflexion de fonds sur la place de l’Antiquité dans la manière de penser les colonies en Europe moderne. Cet état de fait, de même que la relative rareté des sources modernes traitant des colonies grecques, m’ont obligé à élargir au maximum le champ de recherche, en y incluant des auteurs qui, s’ils ne se préoccupèrent pas de colonisation, recoururent néanmoins au précédent grec pour illustrer des problématiques de leur temps. Toutefois, il est possible de constater à quel point les répertoires historiographiques concernant la Grèce antique et ses colonisations se sont développés dans le courant de ces deux siècles qui virent l’apogée et la chute des premiers empires coloniaux européens en Amérique du nord. Si la comparaison à l’Histoire grecque ne relevait souvent que du Topos et de la propagande (comme dans le cas de la comparaison du Grand Condé ou de Louis XIV à Alexandre le Grand), son utilisation dans le cadre de controverses à plus large échelle outrepassait aussi le seul lieu commun pour s’inscrire dans un discours rhétorique plus approfondi. Le choix de la colonisation grecque comme modèle de comparaison s’imposait d’autant plus logiquement que les divers auteurs, depuis les premiers colons jusqu’aux pères fondateurs américains, insistaient sur les mérites économiques des colonies européennes. D’autres régimes, comme l’empire espagnol au XVIe siècle ou l’empire britannique au XIXe siècle, ont davantage recouru à une terminologie d’inspiration romaine. En effet, leur politique se fondait plus sur l’idée d’une extension impérialiste de l’État que sur une vision commerciale du colonialisme. L’article de Krishan Kumar demeure l’un des plus importants sur la question. La réception de l’Histoire des colonies grecques aux Temps modernes fut avant tout le fruit d’une tentative de définition du colonialisme comme phénomène global, et d’une volonté de situer les nations européennes dans un contexte remontant aux origines de l’Occident. À l’heure où l’Europe amorçait sa domination sur la totalité de la planète, et où la course à la colonisation s’accélérait, la majorité des auteurs s’abritaient derrière l’image de thalassocraties antiques qui, si elles ne dénotaient pas un pouvoir politique centralisé, n’en contribuèrent pas moins à imposer la culture fondatrice de la pensée occidentale à tout le bassin méditerranéen. Quant aux guerres qui poussèrent les puissances antiques les unes contre les autres, elles ne faisaient qu’augurer des conflits à large échelle que furent les guerres franco-britanniques du XVIIIe siècle.