838 resultados para Health Sciences, Public Health|Political Science, General|Sociology, Public and Social Welfare
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The recent rise of the Tea Party movement has added a new dimension to our discussion of domestic politics. The main question is: what effect will the Tea Party have on the political landscape? The best way to answer this question is to place the Tea Party in historical and theoretical context, in order to discuss what type of social movement the Tea Party is and what impact it might have. To this end, I will define and discuss the two major literatures in socialmovement theory: Issue Evolution and Political Process theory. This theoretical framework will provide the basis for a more concrete definition of the Tea Party movement itself. I will attemptto define the Tea Party movement based on its demographics, goals and political successes and will discuss it within the context of this theoretical framework. In addition, I will discuss four landmark social movements within our country’s history through the lens of the theoretical framework. I have found that successful movements rely on a combination of internal organizations and networks and external political opportunities to achieve and maintain nationalrelevance. In the end, I will come to the conclusion that the Tea Party will not likely have a major lasting impact on the political arena. It lacks key parts of the internal structure that makes some movements, such as the Civil Rights movement, so influential. But in the short term it will succeed in pushing the Republican Party towards a more fiscally conservative position.
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The birth, death and catastrophe process is an extension of the birth-death process that incorporates the possibility of reductions in population of arbitrary size. We will consider a general form of this model in which the transition rates are allowed to depend on the current population size in an arbitrary manner. The linear case, where the transition rates are proportional to current population size, has been studied extensively. In particular, extinction probabilities, the expected time to extinction, and the distribution of the population size conditional on nonextinction (the quasi-stationary distribution) have all been evaluated explicitly. However, whilst these characteristics are of interest in the modelling and management of populations, processes with linear rate coefficients represent only a very limited class of models. We address this limitation by allowing for a wider range of catastrophic events. Despite this generalisation, explicit expressions can still be found for the expected extinction times.
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The Ellison Executive Mentoring Inclusive Community Building (ICB) Model is a paradigm for initiating and implementing projects utilizing executives and professionals from a variety of fields and industries, university students, and pre-college students. The model emphasizes adherence to ethical values and promotes inclusiveness in community development. It is a hierarchical model in which actors in each succeeding level of operation serve as mentors to the next. Through a three-step process—content, process, and product—participants must be trained with this mentoring and apprenticeship paradigm in conflict resolution, and they receive sensitivity and diversity training through an interactive and dramatic exposition. ^ The content phase introduces participants to the model's philosophy, ethics, values and methods of operation. The process used to teach and reinforce its precepts is the mentoring and apprenticeship activities and projects in which the participants engage and whose end product demonstrates their knowledge and understanding of the model's concepts. This study sought to ascertain from the participants' perspectives whether the model's mentoring approach is an effective means of fostering inclusiveness, based upon their own experiences in using it. The research utilized a qualitative approach and included data from field observations, individual and group interviews, and written accounts of participants' attitudes. ^ Participants complete ICB projects utilizing The Ellison Model as a method of development and implementation. They generally perceive that the model is a viable tool for dealing with diversity issues whether at work, at school, or at home. The projects are also instructional in that whether participants are mentored or serve as apprentices, they gain useful skills and knowledge about their careers. Since the model is relatively new, there is ample room for research in a variety of areas including organizational studies to determine its effectiveness in combating problems related to various kinds of discrimination. ^
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This study explored the relationship between social fund projects and poverty reduction in selected communities in Jamaica. The Caribbean nation's social fund projects aim to reduce “public” poverty by rehabilitating and expanding social and economic infrastructure, improving social services, and strengthening organizations at the community level. Research questions addressed the characteristics of poverty-focused social fund projects; the nexus between poverty reduction and three key concepts suggested by the literature— community (citizen) participation, social capital, and empowerment; and the impact of the projects on poverty. ^ In this qualitative study, data were collected and triangulated by means of in-depth, semi-structured interviews, supplemented by key informant data; non-participant observation; and document reviews. Thirty-four respondents were interviewed individually at eight rural and urban sites over a period of four consecutive months, and 10 key informants provided supplementary data. Open, axial, and selective coding was used for data reduction and analysis as part of the grounded theory method, which included constant comparative analysis. The codes generated a set of themes and a substantive-formal theory. Findings were crosschecked with interview respondents and key informants and validated by means of an audit trail. ^ The results have revealed that the approach to poverty reduction in social fund-supported communities is a process of development-focused collaboration among various stakeholders. The process encompasses four stages: (1) identifying problems and priorities, (2) motivating and mobilizing, (3) working together, and (4) creating an enabling environment. The underlying stakeholder involvement theory posits that collaboration increases the productivity of resources and creates the conditions for community-driven development. In addition, the study has found that social fund projects are largely community-based, collaborative, and highly participatory in their implementation, as well as prescription-driven, results-oriented, and leadership-dependent. Further, social capital formation across communities was found to be limited, and in general, the projects have been enabling rather than empowering. The projects have not reduced poverty per se; however, they have been instrumental in improving conditions that were concomitants of poverty. ^
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The study explored when, under what conditions, and to what extent did European integration, particularly the European Union’s requirement for democratic conditionality, contribute to democratic consolidation in Spain, Poland, and Turkey? On the basis of a four-part definition, the dissertation examined the democratizing impact of European integration process on each of the following four components of consolidation: (i) holding of fair, free and competitive elections, (ii) protection of fundamental rights, including human and minority rights, (iii) high prospects of regime survival and civilian control of the military, and (iv) legitimacy, elite consensus, and stateness. To assess the relative significance of EU’s democratizing leverage, the thesis also examined domestic and non-EU international dynamics of democratic consolidation in the three countries. By employing two qualitative methods (case study and process-tracing), the study focused on three specific time frames: 1977–1986 for Spain, 1994–2004 for Poland, and 1999–present for Turkey. In addition to official documents, newspapers, and secondary sources, face-to-face interviews made with politicians, academics, experts, bureaucrats, and journalists in the three countries were utilized. The thesis generated several conclusions. First of all, the EU’s democratizing impact is not uniform across different components of democratic consolidation. Moreover, the EU’s democratizing leverage in Spain, Poland, and Turkey involved variations over time for three major reasons: (i) the changing nature of EU’s democratic conditionality over time (ii) varying levels of the EU’s credible commitment to the candidate country’s prospect for membership, and (iii) domestic dynamics in the candidate countries. Furthermore, the European integration process favors democratic consolidation but its magnitude is shaped by the candidate country’s prospect for EU membership and domestic factors in the candidate country. Finally, the study involves a major policy implication for the European Union: unless the EU provides a clear prospect for membership, its democratizing leverage will be limited in the candidate countries.
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In this research, I analyze the effects of candidate nomination rules and campaign financing rules on elite recruitment into the national legislatures of Germany and the United States. This dissertation is both theory-driven and constitutes exploratory research, too. While the effects of electoral rules are frequently studied in political science, the emphasis is thereby on electoral rules that are set post-election. My focus, in contrast, is on electoral rules that have an effect prior to the election. Furthermore, my dissertation is comparative by design.^ The research question is twofold. Do electoral rules have an effect on elite recruitment, and does it matter? To answer these question, I create a large-N original data set, in which I code the behavior and recruitment paths and patterns of members of the American House of Representatives and the German Bundestag. Furthermore, I include interviews with members of the said two national legislatures. Both the statistical analyses and the interviews provide affirmative evidence for my working hypothesis that differences in electoral rules lead to a different type of elite recruitment. To that end, I use the active-politician concept, through which I dichotomously distinguish the economic behavior of politicians.^ Thanks to the exploratory nature of my research, I also discover the phenomenon of differential valence of local and state political office for entrance into national office in comparative perspective. By statistically identifying this hitherto unknown paradox, as well as evidencing the effects of electoral rules, I show that besides ideology and culture, institutional rules are key in shaping the ruling elite. The way institutional rules are set up, in particular electoral rules, does not only affect how the electorate will vote and how seats will be distributed, but it will also affect what type of people will end up in elected office.^
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The dissertation documented the degree of Turkey's involvement in the promotion of democracy in the Arab Middle East (ME). Initially, I investigated why and under what conditions Turkey promotes democracy in the ME, and then I explained strategies through which Turkey promotes democracy in the region. I applied the neo-classical realist theoretical framework and a mixed methodology in the research, and I provided evidence from two sources: face-to-face interviews with the Turkish and foreign officials and common citizens, and the statistical data from institutions, such as the OECD, Turkish Statistical Institute, and World Bank.^ My research indicates that Turkey promotes democracy through seven channels. These channels are official development assistance (ODA), mentoring, demonstrative effect, normative pressure, conditionality, military power, enlargement, and civil society organizations. Turkey promotes democracy in the ME for three substantial reasons: first, to advance its security and economic interests; second, to improve the political, social, and economic conditions of people living in the region; and third, to create long-term regional stability, crucial for cooperation in economic and security realms.^ I attempted to engage in debates with two distinct, but interrelated fields of comparative politics and international relations. My most important contribution to the field is that I documented Turkey's case of democracy promotion regarding the degree of Turkey's involvement in this endeavor, its strategies, specificities, and effectiveness in the region. I also contribute to the field as I explained the difference between democracy promotion policies of a regional power, such as Turkey, and global powers, such as the US. I further engaged in discussions that illuminate some aspects of the interplay between the identity and strategic interests in states' foreign policy decisions.^
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This paper explores ethnic and religious minority youth perspectives of security and nationalism in Scotland during the independence campaign in 2014. We discuss how young people co-construct narratives of Scottish nationalism alongside minority ethnic and faith identities in order to feel secure. By critically combining literatures from feminist geopolitics, international relations (IR) and children’s emotional geographies, we employ the concept of ‘ontological security’. The paper departs from state-centric approaches to security to explore the relational entanglements between geopolitical discourses and the ontological security of young people living through a moment of political change. We examine how everyday encounters with difference can reflect broader geopolitical narratives of security and insecurity, which subsequently trouble notions of ‘multicultural nationalism’ in Scotland and demonstrate ways that youth ‘securitize the self’ (Kinnvall, 2004). The paper responds to calls for empirical analyses of youth perspectives on nationalism and security (Benwell, 2016) and on the nexus between security and emotional subjectivity in critical geopolitics (Pain, 2009; Shaw et al., 2014). Funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC), this paper draws on focus group and interview data from 382 ethnic and religious minority young people in Scotland collected over the 12-month period of the campaign. Keywords: nationalism, young people, race and ethnicity, ontological security, everyday geopolitics
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International audience
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Implanté en 1999 dans le quartier Centre-Sud à Montréal, le programme d'intervention psychosociale « Bien dans mes baskets » (BdmB) utilise le basketball comme outil pour entrer en contact avec des jeunes à risque de délinquance. Ce programme se distingue par le fait que ses entraîneurs-travailleurs-sociaux (ETS) interviennent tant dans le développement d'habiletés de vie que d’habiletés sportives. La présente étude vise à comprendre comment les expériences vécues au sein de BdmB ont pu contribuer au développement d’habiletés de vie chez les adolescents qui ont participé au programme lorsqu’ils étaient à l’école secondaire. Une méthodologie rétrospective qualitative a été utilisée pour cette étude. Des entretiens semi-dirigés ont été effectués auprès de 14 anciens athlètes-étudiants (AÉ) masculins qui ont participé à BdmB pendant leurs études secondaires. Le verbatim des entretiens enregistrés a été transcrit afin de procéder à une analyse de contenu par thématique. Les résultats suggèrent que quatre principaux facteurs semblent contribuer au développement d’habiletés de vie chez certains participants : le modelage de l’ETS a permis aux AÉ de reproduire les comportements de leur entraîneur; le développement d’un sentiment d’attachement entre les joueurs a engendré la création d’un nouveau réseau social dans lequel les AÉ ont pu trouver du soutien social; une culture d’équipe influencée par la philosophie de BdmB semble avoir été intériorisée par les joueurs; et BdmB a agi dans certains cas comme facteur de protection contre des influences externes négatives. Les résultats suggèrent que le sport collectif combiné à des interventions psychosociales favoriserait le développement d’habiletés de vie.
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Les immigrants à Montréal (Québec, Canada) connaissent des difficultés d’insertion en emploi. Parmi eux, ceux originaires de l’Afrique subsaharienne constituent des «groupes racisés» et, à ce titre, sont susceptibles d’éprouver davantage de discriminations et de difficultés que les autres (Hadiri, 2008; Nikuze, 2011). Grâce à une sociologie des "trajectoires de réussites" et grâce à des questions mobilisant l'apport de plusieurs disciplines dans une perspective de résolution de problèmes pratiques, cette thèse a pour but de proposer de possibles solutions aux différents problèmes de ces immigrants montréalais. La recherche de terrain, basée sur des entretiens compréhensifs au sens où l’entend Kaufmann (1996, 2008), propose une sociologie qualitative des "trajectoires de réussites", soit des expériences socioprofessionnelles vécues comme « valorisantes » ou « valorisées. » L’échantillon a été formé d’immigrants africains vivant de telles expériences. À travers leurs différentes trajectoires, la recherche a reposé sur cet objectif appliqué premier : partir du questionnement central sur les facteurs de réussite, rechercher des solutions et des instruments d'intervention destinés à une meilleure intégration socioéconomique des nouveaux immigrants, ou même des anciens immigrants qui connaissent encore des difficultés d’insertion en emploi. Les résultats laissent entrevoir trois catégories de facteurs contributifs à la base de la «réussite socioprofessionnelle», tous rangés au titre de « valeurs », ou façons de voir le monde capables de contribuer à cette « réussite » en s’harmonisant mieux au contexte québécois : il s’agit de valeurs personnelles, d’apports socioculturels africains ou encore de ressources socioculturelles de type québécois. Si les valeurs personnelles relèvent des caractéristiques propres à chacun, les ressources socioculturelles africaines et québécoises résulteraient plutôt de traditions ou de mœurs inhérentes aux cultures des pays concernés. L’analyse et l’interprétation de ces facteurs propices à l’intégration socioprofessionnelle des immigrants ont révélé plusieurs pistes capables de faciliter l’insertion en emploi des immigrants et cette thèse en fait état. Il demeure certain, face à des résultats qui mettent en évidence surtout le facteur individuel, que la « réussite » et l’insertion « réussie » ou vécue comme telle demeurent aussi fonction des actes des autorités publiques : quelles que soient les valeurs et les dispositions individuelles des immigrants, ces facteurs positifs demeurent sans effets si lois et politiques du domaine de l’immigration font obstacle de quelque façon.
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Cette recherche exploratoire a pour objet d’étude la mise en œuvre des interventions d’activation pour l’emploi auprès des prestataires de l’assistance sociale en situation de grande vulnérabilité au Québec. Elle cherche à décrire les pratiques mises en œuvre par des intervenants de la première ligne (« street-level ») au sein des organismes communautaires œuvrant en employabilité, dans le cadre des mesures et programmes de l’agence Emploi- Québec, dans un contexte de contractualisation et partenariat entre le gouvernement et le secteur à but non lucratif. Le mémoire cherche à identifier les processus qui peuvent influencer les pratiques de la première ligne de services lors de l’interaction avec les destinataires du système intégré d’aide financière de dernier recours et d’aide à l’emploi, de même qu’à comprendre les rapports de force en présence lors de la mise en œuvre des interventions. L’on veut répondre aux deux questions suivantes : Quel est le poids relatif du cadre institutionnel du système d’activation et du pouvoir discrétionnaire des intervenants de la première ligne travaillant directement avec les prestataires les plus vulnérables, au sein des organismes communautaires en employabilité? Plus précisément, comment ces deux types de processus interagissent-ils entre eux, pour produire la politique telle que mise en œuvre? On se base sur des approches théoriques sur la mise en œuvre des politiques inspirées des perspectives de « street level bureaucracy » (Lipsky, 1971, 1980; Smith et Lipsky, 1993 ; Hupe & Hill, 2007 ; Brodkin, 2007, 2011, 2012, 2015; Rice, 2012), du néo-institutionnalisme discursif (Schmidt, 2008, 2010) et de l’Ethnographie institutionnelle (Smith, 1999, 2006; Campbell & Gregor, 2008). On considère que la mise en œuvre de la politique d’activation entraîne non seulement une « appropriation » du cadre institutionnel et systémique par les intervenants de première ligne, mais aussi une co-construction de la politique dans un contexte de gouvernance spécifique. La stratégie de recherche est qualitative et s’inspire de l’approche de l’ethnographie institutionnelle en sociologie, qui propose une méthodologie pour retracer les effets des institutions sur les travailleurs dans leur vie quotidienne (Smith, 2005, 1999, 1987; Campbell and Gregor, 2008). Elle comprend : i) des entretiens avec des intervenants communautaires qui fournissent des services d’aide et d’accompagnement pour l’intégration en emploi portant sur certains dossiers de prestataires du système; ii) des entretiens avec des coordinatrices d’organismes communautaires œuvrant en employabilité, et iii) une collecte et une analyse de la documentation institutionnelle et du cadre de réglementation pour la mise en œuvre du système d’activation. L'analyse aborde le discours institutionnel d'une part et, d'autre part, le discours des répondants du secteur communautaire en employabilité concernant leurs interventions auprès des prestataires dans le cadre des programmes et mesures d’E-Q, et leurs « explications » des pratiques quotidiennes.
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This paper will discuss the intersection of pill mills and the under-treatment of pain, while addressing the unintended consequence that cracking down on pill mills actually has on medical professionals' treatment of legitimate pain in clinical settings. Moreover, the impact each issue has on the spectrum of related policy, regulatory issues and legislation will be analyzed while addressing the national impact on medical care. Lastly, this paper will outline a process to develop a State Model Law on this subject. This process will include suggestions for the future and how we can move forward to adequately address public safety needs and how we can attempt to mitigate the unintended impact prescription drug trafficking has had on a patient's right to appropriate pain management. This balance is achievable and this paper will address ways we can find this elusive balancing point through the development of a State Model Law. ^