155 resultados para Haitian
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En este trabajo me propongo analizar la influencia de la revolución de Haití en las independencias de Venezuela y Colombia durante los años 1804-1825. Miintención es demostrar que las repercusiones del proceso haitiano fueron vastas, complejas y sufrieron importantes cambios durante el transcurso de los años. En líneas generales, la revolución generó pánico entre las elites criollas y peninsulares y esperanzas entre grupos de esclavos y pardos. Inicialmente los sectores criollos revolucionarios buscaron evitar todo contacto con la isla y eludir el modelo insurgente haitiano por considerar que produciría en la Tierra Firme una "guerra de razas" y una hecatombe similar a la que, en su opinión, allí había acontecido. Sin embargo, a partir de 1812-1813 debido a las dificultades de la guerra de independencia una fracción de la elite criolla comenzó a estrechar vínculos con la República del Sur de Haití a través de contactos diplomáticos y corsarios. Estas primeras relaciones, más bien tímidas, fueron la condición de posibilidad de un cambio importante que sobrevino en 1816. En dicho año, debido a la reconquista de la expedición realista, la mayoría de los líderes independentistas huyeron de Tierra Firme y tuvieron que exiliarse en Haití, uno de los pocos lugares donde encontraron refugio y apoyo. En aquel contexto, se dio el pacto entre Alexandre Petión y Simón Bolívar, por el cual el primero se comprometió a aportar armas, barcos y hombres a la causa patriota a cambio de la emancipación de los esclavos hispanoamericanos. Este acuerdo fue fundamental ya que no sólo posibilitó la exitosa contraofensiva independentista, sino que además le dio un cariz social al proceso revolucionario de Venezuela y Colombia. Así, a partir de 1816 y hasta 1821, se dieron numerosos contactos e incluso el gobierno de Jean Pierre Boyer (sucesor de Alexandre Petión) colaboró con otras dos expediciones a cargo de Gregor Mac Gregor para liberar Panamá y Río Hacha. Sin embargo, el cambio no fue total y aún durante estos años, los líderes criollos continuaron teniendo reparos frente al peligro de la explosión de un nuevo Haití en la Tierra Firme hispana. Por último, el fin de la guerra de independencia abrió un nuevo contexto en el cual aquellos miedos se intensificaron debido a la movilización social interna. Esto derivó en nuevo alejamiento y el gobierno de Colombia no sólo se negó a mantener relaciones con Haití, sino que incluso lo excluyó del Congreso de Panamá.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"List of Haitian music": p. 139-141. "List of Haitian literature": p. 142-147.
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En este trabajo me propongo analizar la influencia de la revolución de Haití en las independencias de Venezuela y Colombia durante los años 1804-1825. Miintención es demostrar que las repercusiones del proceso haitiano fueron vastas, complejas y sufrieron importantes cambios durante el transcurso de los años. En líneas generales, la revolución generó pánico entre las elites criollas y peninsulares y esperanzas entre grupos de esclavos y pardos. Inicialmente los sectores criollos revolucionarios buscaron evitar todo contacto con la isla y eludir el modelo insurgente haitiano por considerar que produciría en la Tierra Firme una "guerra de razas" y una hecatombe similar a la que, en su opinión, allí había acontecido. Sin embargo, a partir de 1812-1813 debido a las dificultades de la guerra de independencia una fracción de la elite criolla comenzó a estrechar vínculos con la República del Sur de Haití a través de contactos diplomáticos y corsarios. Estas primeras relaciones, más bien tímidas, fueron la condición de posibilidad de un cambio importante que sobrevino en 1816. En dicho año, debido a la reconquista de la expedición realista, la mayoría de los líderes independentistas huyeron de Tierra Firme y tuvieron que exiliarse en Haití, uno de los pocos lugares donde encontraron refugio y apoyo. En aquel contexto, se dio el pacto entre Alexandre Petión y Simón Bolívar, por el cual el primero se comprometió a aportar armas, barcos y hombres a la causa patriota a cambio de la emancipación de los esclavos hispanoamericanos. Este acuerdo fue fundamental ya que no sólo posibilitó la exitosa contraofensiva independentista, sino que además le dio un cariz social al proceso revolucionario de Venezuela y Colombia. Así, a partir de 1816 y hasta 1821, se dieron numerosos contactos e incluso el gobierno de Jean Pierre Boyer (sucesor de Alexandre Petión) colaboró con otras dos expediciones a cargo de Gregor Mac Gregor para liberar Panamá y Río Hacha. Sin embargo, el cambio no fue total y aún durante estos años, los líderes criollos continuaron teniendo reparos frente al peligro de la explosión de un nuevo Haití en la Tierra Firme hispana. Por último, el fin de la guerra de independencia abrió un nuevo contexto en el cual aquellos miedos se intensificaron debido a la movilización social interna. Esto derivó en nuevo alejamiento y el gobierno de Colombia no sólo se negó a mantener relaciones con Haití, sino que incluso lo excluyó del Congreso de Panamá.
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Este dossier se inicia con una entrevista de Teresa Basile a Néstor Rodríguez en la cual se abordan diversos conflictos territoriales, lingüísticos y culturales suscitados en la frontera entre Haití y República Dominicana, tanto en la historia de ambos países como en el presente. El artículo de Juan Valdez analiza en el contexto de la frontera domínico-haitiana, las discusiones sobre el valor del español y el kreyòl que ofrecen la oportunidad para examinar en qué modo específico las representaciones lingüísticas intervienen en las luchas políticas donde se construyen las nuevas identidades. En acorde con metodologías y aproximaciones elaboradas por sociólogos del lenguaje y lingüistas-antropólogos, analizo un corpus de textos representativos del discurso metalingüístico y de las relaciones haitiano-dominicanas. Mi análisis de la dimensión lingüística de los conflictos políticos aspira a contribuir a la reflexión crítica en búsqueda de alternativas a las miradas conflictivas, y a motivar el diálogo intercultural y la convivencia de grupos diversos
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Over the past two years there have been several large-scale disasters (Haitian earthquake, Australian floods, UK riots, and the Japanese earthquake) that have seen wide use of social media for disaster response, often in innovative ways. This paper provides an analysis of the ways in which social media has been used in public-to-public communication and public-to-government organisation communication. It discusses four ways in which disaster response has been changed by social media: 1. Social media appears to be displacing the traditional media as a means of communication with the public during a crisis. In particular social media influences the way traditional media communication is received and distributed. 2. We propose that user-generated content may provide a new source of information for emergency management agencies during a disaster, but there is uncertainty with regards to the reliability and usefulness of this information. 3. There are also indications that social media provides a means for the public to self-organise in ways that were not previously possible. However, the type and usefulness of self-organisation sometimes works against efforts to mitigate the outcome of the disaster. 4. Social media seems to influence information flow during a disaster. In the past most information flowed in a single direction from government organisation to public, but social media negates this model. The public can diffuse information with ease, but also expect interaction with Government Organisations rather than a simple one-way information flow. These changes have implications for the way government organisations communicate with the public during a disaster. The predominant model for explaining this form of communication, the Crisis and Emergency Risk Communication (CERC), was developed in 2005 before social media achieved widespread popularity. We will present a modified form of the CERC model that integrates social media into the disaster communication cycle, and addresses the ways in which social media has changed communication between the public and government organisations during disasters.
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Over the past two years there have been several large-scale disasters (Haitian earthquake, Australian floods, UK riots, and the Japanese earthquake) that have seen wide use of social media for disaster response, often in innovative ways. This paper provides an analysis of the ways in which social media has been used in public-to-public communication and public-to-government organisation communication. It discusses four ways in which disaster response has been changed by social media: 1. Social media appears to be displacing the traditional media as a means of communication with the public during a crisis. In particular social media influences the way traditional media communication is received and distributed. 2. We propose that user-generated content may provide a new source of information for emergency management agencies during a disaster, but there is uncertainty with regards to the reliability and usefulness of this information. 3. There are also indications that social media provides a means for the public to self-organise in ways that were not previously possible. However, the type and usefulness of self-organisation sometimes works against efforts to mitigate the outcome of the disaster. 4. Social media seems to influence information flow during a disaster. In the past most information flowed in a single direction from government organisation to public, but social media negates this model. The public can diffuse information with ease, but also expect interaction with Government Organisations rather than a simple one-way information flow. These changes have implications for the way government organisations communicate with the public during a disaster. The predominant model for explaining this form of communication, the Crisis and Emergency Risk Communication (CERC), was developed in 2005 before social media achieved widespread popularity. We will present a modified form of the CERC model that integrates social media into the disaster communication cycle, and addresses the ways in which social media has changed communication between the public and government organisations during disasters.
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Excerpt from EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This report examines the situation of the Haitians in Miami who were formerly incarcerated during 1981 and 1982 in the Immigration and Naturalization Service's Krome Detention Center or other Federal detention centers in the U.S. and Puerto Rico. For convenience, the report refers to all of them as Krome Haitians. This study is based upon a sociological survey of the Krome Haitians and intensive anthropological fieldwork conducted by Dr. Alex Stepick of the Sociology and Anthropology Department of Florida International University with support from the Catholic Services Bureau of Miami. It is the only scientific study of the Krome Haitians and the scientific procedures of the survey complemented by the anthropological fieldwork combine t o produce highly reliable results . To provide context to the conditions of the Krome Haitians, the report compares the characteristics of this population to that of the Haitian Entrants who arrived in 1980 or earlier and provides an update to earlier studies by this author (Stepick 1982) and another by the Behavioral Science Research Institute (1983). The report describes the conditions of the Krome Haitians, including their background in Haiti, experiences in the U.S., past and present employment status , experience with discrimination and social isolation , and adaptation to American society. The report concludes with some specific policy recommendations to state and local agencies and individuals that will assist the Haitians' integration into American society.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Our research on Haitians in Miami reveals the common stereotypes to be wrong in virtually every respect. Miami Haitians are not a significant drain on community resources. They did not come to the U.S. anticipating benefits from the welfare system. They are not uneducated nor are they unskilled. To the contrary, Miami Haitians have a tremendous potential for productively contributing to U.S. society. They are well educated by Haitian standards and many come with readily employable skills. Their motivations for leaving Haiti are inseparably both political and economic. They possess a sound work ethic and are striving to improve themselves. Economic problems are severe, yet they confront and surmount them with virtually no help from the state welfare system. They rely largely upon opportunities and resources within Miami's own Haitian community. Yet, they do not isolate themselves from the large community around them. They work with, buy from, and live in the same neighborhoods as Cubans, Anglos, and American Blacks. In spite of the many personal difficulties they have encountered since arriving in the U.S., they maintain a positive view both of themselves and their experiences in U.S. society. If given sufficient opportunities, they are likely to adapt quickly and succeed economically. These findings stem from a recently completed survey of 129 Haitians enrolled in English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) classes in Miami administered by the Haitian Adult Development Education Program (HADEP) of the Phelps Stokes Fund. The U.S. Department of Education funded the project to provide instruction in English communication and literacy skills, acculturation support and vocational training. The classes were free and open without restrictions to all Haitians. The Haitians neither paid nor received money to attend the classes. The classes were offered both during the day and evening and drew from all levels of the Haitian population in Miami. The survey was administered in June and July of this year and consisted of 146 questions in Creole on a broad range of subjects from background and experiences in Haiti to migration and employment history and perceptions of U.S. society.
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According to the 1999 U.S. Census, there were approximately thirty-three million African Americans and approximately 1.8 million non-Hispanic black immigrants in the United States. The 1997 U.S. Census estimated that there were as many as 554,000 foreign-born Haitians and 505,000 foreign-born Jamaicans living in the United States, mainly residing in Florida and New York. The U.S. Census claims that blacks are one of the largest emerging ethnic groups in America constituting at least twelve percent of this country's population. Because of this increase, their specific health beliefs and health care options are increasingly nationally significant. ^ In the present intra-black and inter-ethnic study, two hundred seventy African Americans, Haitian immigrants, and Jamaican immigrants residing in South Florida were quantitatively and qualitatively surveyed in order to investigate their health beliefs and health care options. According to the reviewed literature, the three black ethnic groups researched in this study have not been compared or contrasted before in relation to these beliefs and health care choices. ^ As was discovered by the present research, differing health beliefs and health care options were the cultural products of the ethnic differences of the researched communities. It was expected that differing health beliefs among the researched black groups might indicate disparate patterns of health care utilization of either western or non-western models. Additionally, it was projected that by investigating the health beliefs and the health care options of these emerging black ethnic groups, western health care providers in the United States could become better versed in medically servicing growing ethnically-disparate black populations. The study yielded results about the researched groups that supported major findings in the reviewed literature. The data were reported and examined, and theoretical generalizations from the data were discussed. The most important of these findings was that, within a race, health beliefs and health care options were determined by specific ethno-cultural variables dependent on national origins. ^
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This study examined immigrant minority students' perceptions of race relations and of the chances for social mobility in the United States (U.S.) using cohort samples of West Indian (N = 173) and Haitian (N = 191) students. The Students' responses collected during the 6th and 7th, 8th and 9th grades were analyzed to determine whether perceptions of racial mistrust, teacher derogation and social mobility varied depending on the student's length of stay in the U.S. or self-concept. Quantitative methodology was applied to data extrapolated from a larger epidemiological longitudinal study consisting of 7,386 middle school students in Miami (Vega and Gil, 1998). ^ Results show that West Indian and Haitian students' perceptions of racial mistrust, teacher derogation and social mobility were associated more with student's self-concept than length of stay. Students with more favorable self-concepts reported greater optimism toward social mobility than those with less favorable self-concepts. Results also indicate that in the context of parental education and SES that racial mistrust is the strongest predictor of these students' level of optimism towards social mobility. ^
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This study investigated the perceptions of writing among secondary and post-secondary students and their teachers. The focus was on students' writing philosophy and influences, perceptions of the writing process, and perceptions of student writing skills, high stakes assessment tests, and writing across the curriculum. ^ An ethnographic case study was used to investigate the perceptions of writing among ten students and their English teachers in two high schools, a community college, and a university. To establish balance and ethnic plurality, seven females and three males representing the four large ethnic groups in South Florida—African American, Haitian American, European American and Latino—participated. During one four-month term, data from written samples of students' writing, formal and informal interviews, a student focus group, field notes, classroom observations, and a “think-aloud” protocol were collected. ^ Four themes emerged. First, Florida's writing assessment test has a negative influence on students' perceptions of writing. Students' motivation and attitudes as well as their confidence in their abilities were affected by practice and preparation in “recital writing.” Second, writing is a vehicle of social and personal transformation. Students believed that writing is a mean to connect to others and to create change in schools and communities. Third, students lacked the ability to connect writing, thinking and learning. Although students and teachers agree with statements about this connection, students failed to see the relevance of thinking and learning through writing in current or future courses, or in their future careers. Finally, writing context, teachers, schools, peers and gender influenced writing perceptions. Students believed that their writing philosophy, writing process, and perceptions of writing in academia and in the workplace are connected to these five factors. ^ The effect of the Florida writing test pervades students' and teachers' writing perceptions, making a stronger case for writing across the curriculum than previous research. Writing should help students see knowledge as interrelated, honor students' interests and values, and build relationships between and among students, schools and communities. In designing and implementing methods that support and sustain student writing, teachers should provide students with multiple opportunities to expand knowledge, learning, and connection through writing. ^
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The current study examined how parental involvement is related to the academic adaptation and performance of a multiethnic sample of newly immigrant students from South America and the Caribbean---Argentina, Colombia, Cuba, Haiti, and English-speaking Caribbean countries. Six hundred twenty-two participants attending elementary, middle and high school in Miami-Dade and Broward Counties were interviewed during two consecutive years at their respective schools. Parents completed surveys at home and returned them by mail. ^ Three forms of parent involvement were chosen as predictor variables---(1) parental contact and communication with school, (2) parental monitoring of children's school-related activities at home, and (3) parental expectations regarding children's academic achievement. Academic performance indicators obtained from school records were students' grade point averages for math and reading (GPA), FCAT-SSS (Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test-Sunshine State Standards) scores, and FCAT-NRT (Norm Referenced Test) scores. Hypotheses were (a) that the forms of parent involvement would differ across the different cultural groups and (b) that parent involvement would relate to students' achievement, regardless of the specific form of involvement. ^ Results indicated that Cuban and Colombian parents differed significantly in terms of monitoring school-related activities of their children and had higher expectations for their children than Haitian, West-Indian, or Argentinean parents. Cuban parents were more likely to be actively engaged in communication with their children's schools than parents of the other ethnic groups. Multiple regression analyses indicated that the three forms of parent involvement accounted for a significant proportion of GPA and FCAT-SSS scores, after controlling for the effects of demographic variables---grade level, gender, and ethnicity. Given interactions of the parent involvement variables by country of origin for GPA, separate analyses indicated that parent involvement appeared to be most effective for Cubans and West Indians. Results are discussed in terms of the need for experimental intervention studies to identify causal relationships between parent involvement and academic achievement. ^
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The purpose of the study was to investigate the perceptions of success held by Black middle school students in a Miami-Dade County (FL) public school and how these perceptions influence academic performance. The study sought to determine if differences exist among African-American, Haitian-American, and Haitian immigrant subgroups of the Black student population. ^ The study combined qualitative and quantitative methodology in data collection and analysis. The qualitative data consisted of three focus group interviews. Using a semi-structured protocol, questions focused on the student's perceptions of the characteristics of successful people, definitions of success, behaviors associated with achieving success, and peer, family and school support. The quantitative data comprised the responses of 352 Black middle school students to the Inventory of Student Motivation (ISM) developed to measure mastery, performance and social goal orientations. Response similarities and differences were examined using a series of two-way ANOVAs on the success scales by gender and culture. A three-way repeated measures ANOVA was conducted on mastery, performance and social general goal scales by culture and gender. ^ The results of the ISM revealed no statistically significant differences among African-American, Haitian-American, and Haitian students in their mastery, performance or social goal orientations. All three cultural groups scored significantly high on the mastery goal scale. There was a significant effect for gender on the mastery general scale with the females being more concerned with mastery than the males. Qualitative focus group interview results included varying definitions of success. African-American and Haitian-American students defined success in materialistic terms. Haitian students defined success in scholastic achievement terms. All students indicated hard work, persistence and goal setting through completion as important to achieving success. Negative influences included peer pressure, teacher and societal expectations, and classroom environment. Parental reaction to low academic performance varied by culture. ^