815 resultados para Exploitation of intellectual capital


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We examine how the development of three types of career capital (knowing how, knowing whom, and knowing why) during an international assignment affects the perceived marketability of organizational expatriates. Using the perceived marketability perspective and long-term follow-up data, we show that knowing how is seen as the most transferable type of career capital, while the development of other aspects of career capital has little impact on perceived marketability. We also show that career capital development is more recognized in the external market than by current employers. Our findings expand our understanding of long-term career marketability among people who have completed international assignments.

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Building on a modern careers approach, we assess the effects of working abroad on individuals’ career capital. Given the dearth of longitudinal studies, we return to a sample of economics graduates in Finland eight years later. We measure changes in three dimensions of career capital; ‘knowing how’, ‘knowing whom’, ‘knowing why’ and find that company assigned expatriates learn more than self-initiated expatriates. All three career capital areas benefit from international experience and all are increasingly valued over time. Based on our findings we conclude that a dynamic notion of career capital acquisition and use is needed. Managerial implications include the need for a wider view of talent management for international businesses.

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Whether human capital increases or decreases wage uncertainty is an open question from an empirical standpoint. Yet, most policy prescriptions regarding human capital formation are based on models that impose riskiness on this type of investment. In a two period and finite type optimal income taxation problem we derive prescriptions that are robust to the risk characteristics of human capital: savings should be discouraged, human capital investments encouraged and both types of investment driven to an efficient level from an aggregate perspective. These prescriptions are also robust to the assumptions regarding what choices are observed, despite policy instruments being not.

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in this anicle we measure the impact of public sector capital and investment on economic growth. Initially, traditional growth accounting regressions are run for a cross-country data set. A simple endogenous growth model is then constructed in order to take into account the determinants of labor, private capital and public capital. In both cases, public capital is a separate argument of the production function. An additional data-set constructed with quarterly American data was used in the estimations of the growth mode!. The results indicate lhat public capital and public investment play a significant role in determining growth rates and have a significant impact on capital and labor returns. Furthermore, the impact of public investment on productivity growth was found to be positive and always significant for bolh samples. Hence. in a fully optimizing modelo we confmn previous results in the literature that lhe failure of public investment to keep pace with output growlh during the Seventies and Eighties may have played a major role in the slowdown of lhe productivity growth in the period. Anolher main outcome concems the output elasticity wilh respect to public capital. The coefficiem estimates are always positive and significant but magnitudes depend on each of lhe two data set used.

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This research verified the influence of strategic alliances on the generation of intangible assets in the Brazilian manufacturers. A field research targeted at the senior management of firm covering around 5% of the net sales of this economic segment in Brazil was developed. The aim of the field research was: i) to validate the hypothesis proposed in the theoretical framework that suggested the existence of a relationship between the development of strategic alliances and the development of competitive advantages to the allied firms, through the positive variation of these firms¿ intellectual capital or intangible assets; ii) to capture data for the development of an exploratory analysis of the subjacent characteristics of this relationship. This study is based on theoretical framework that contextualizes the current economic era - the so called information economy - unveils the existing taxonomy of intangible assets and strategic alliances, taking into account their importance to the competitiveness of modern organizations, and presents categorizations for intangibles and alliances, within the business realm. The results of this research showed that the development of strategic alliances is positively correlated to the increase of intangible assets of the companies studied. Furthermore, indications were found that innovation-based alliances are the ones that contribute more intensely to the development of intangible assets of the allies. Lastly, it was perceived that the more different kinds of alliances are developed simultaneously, the smaller the benefits in terms of intellectual capital generation.

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O estudo descrito neste relato de pesquisa concentra-se na busca por compreender os mecanismos pelos quais o capital intelectual de empresas participantes em redes estratégicas empresariais é afetado pelo capital social desenvolvido no âmbito dessas redes. O autor procura demonstrar, com base em um estudo de caso com múltiplas unidades de análise, realizado na mineradora multinacional Yamana Gold Inc., que, como as redes representam comunidades pautadas por regras de conduta pré-acordadas, mútuo comprometimento entre os seus participantes e compartilhamentos de recursos físicos e conhecimento, não raro, as empresas participantes desenvolvem processos sinérgicos e processos de colaboração interempresarial, trazendo, para o ambiente de interação, elementos que constroem novas competências para os participantes. Esses processos colaborativos favorecem os processos cognitivos, com impacto direto sobre a formação de capital intelectual individual das empresas, em especial as empresas focais, aquelas que lideram os padrões ou concentram a dominância econômica sobre os processos da rede. O estudo resultou na elaboração de um modelo teórico capaz de demonstrar os elementos do capital social das redes que afetam positivamente o capital intelectual da empresas e, por meio de entrevistas e observações de campo, o modelo pode ser testado e operacionalizado para comprovar a tese defendida pelo autor. O estudo traz importantes esclarecimentos sobre como esses elementos propiciam o surgimento de capital intelectual, com implicações práticas e teóricas.

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O presente trabalho tem por objetivos verificar a importância da avaliação do capital intelectual em instituições de ensino superior e elaborar um modelo capaz de avaliar o capital intelectual dos cursos de mestrado profissional em administração, possibilitando a comparação entre diferentes cursos e o acompanhamento de suas metas e de seus objetivos estratégicos. Desse modo, defende-se a tese da importância da avaliação do capital intelectual em instituições de ensino superior e também da viabilidade da elaboração de um modelo de avaliação de capital intelectual capaz de evidenciar os ativos intangíveis críticos dos cursos de mestrado profissional em administração (MPA). Para alcançar os objetivos, foi realizada uma pesquisa sobre a teoria de capital intelectual, buscando entender como são identificados e avaliados os ativos intangíveis de diferentes organizações. Foram pesquisadas, ainda, as principais iniciativas mundiais que buscaram a sua avaliação, com foco especial naqueles modelos que são dedicados às instituições de ensino. Com isso, foi possível propor um modelo inicial para avaliação do capital intelectual dos cursos de MPA, estruturado em três seções: (i) plano estratégico; (ii) ativos intangíveis críticos; e (iii) indicadores de capital intelectual agrupados por capital estrutural, relacional e humano. A partir de uma pesquisa de campo realizada com 101 professores e coordenadores de diferentes cursos de MPA no Brasil, os ativos intangíveis críticos e os indicadores foram definidos e validados com base na opinião dos respondentes acerca da importância de cada item para a avaliação do capital intelectual do objeto estudado e o grau de dificuldade atribuído ao processo de coleta de dados necessários à elaboração de cada indicador. Assim, com base na análise fatorial exploratória, foi possível definir os construtos do modelo de avaliação de capital intelectual e sua estrutura final. Por fim, foram realizados testes para a comparação de médias para amostras independentes e teste de independência entre variáveis categóricas, possibilitando não só a confirmação da tese defendida como também importantes conclusões sobre o tema pesquisado.

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Recent Eurobarometer survey data are used to document and explain the leveI of social capital in thirteen new members and fifteen current members of the European Union. Social capital in Eastern Europe - measured by participation in clubs and organization, intensity of networks or altruistic behavior - lags behind that in developed countries. The differences in individual-leveI determinants cannot fully account for the gap at the aggregate leveI. Once we also include aggregate measures of economic development and quality of institutions, the gap disappears. This implies that the EU enlargement will contribute to a convergence in social capital, assuming that it contributes to the economic and institutional development of Eastern European countries. A necessary condition is that both, formal and informal institutions and their interaction should be regarded in this process.

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Latin America has recently experienced three cycles of capital inflows, the first two ending in major financial crises. The first took place between 1973 and the 1982 ‘debt-crisis’. The second took place between the 1989 ‘Brady bonds’ agreement (and the beginning of the economic reforms and financial liberalisation that followed) and the Argentinian 2001/2002 crisis, and ended up with four major crises (as well as the 1997 one in East Asia) — Mexico (1994), Brazil (1999), and two in Argentina (1995 and 2001/2). Finally, the third inflow-cycle began in 2003 as soon as international financial markets felt reassured by the surprisingly neo-liberal orientation of President Lula’s government; this cycle intensified in 2004 with the beginning of a (purely speculative) commodity price-boom, and actually strengthened after a brief interlude following the 2008 global financial crash — and at the time of writing (mid-2011) this cycle is still unfolding, although already showing considerable signs of distress. The main aim of this paper is to analyse the financial crises resulting from this second cycle (both in LA and in East Asia) from the perspective of Keynesian/ Minskyian/ Kindlebergian financial economics. I will attempt to show that no matter how diversely these newly financially liberalised Developing Countries tried to deal with the absorption problem created by the subsequent surges of inflow (and they did follow different routes), they invariably ended up in a major crisis. As a result (and despite the insistence of mainstream analysis), these financial crises took place mostly due to factors that were intrinsic (or inherent) to the workings of over-liquid and under-regulated financial markets — and as such, they were both fully deserved and fairly predictable. Furthermore, these crises point not just to major market failures, but to a systemic market failure: evidence suggests that these crises were the spontaneous outcome of actions by utility-maximising agents, freely operating in friendly (‘light-touch’) regulated, over-liquid financial markets. That is, these crises are clear examples that financial markets can be driven by buyers who take little notice of underlying values — i.e., by investors who have incentives to interpret information in a biased fashion in a systematic way. Thus, ‘fat tails’ also occurred because under these circumstances there is a high likelihood of self-made disastrous events. In other words, markets are not always right — indeed, in the case of financial markets they can be seriously wrong as a whole. Also, as the recent collapse of ‘MF Global’ indicates, the capacity of ‘utility-maximising’ agents operating in (excessively) ‘friendly-regulated’ and over-liquid financial market to learn from previous mistakes seems rather limited.

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Latin America has recently experienced three cycles of capital inflows, the first two ending in major financial crises. The first took place between 1973 and the 1982 ‘debt-crisis’. The second took place between the 1989 ‘Brady bonds’ agreement (and the beginning of the economic reforms and financial liberalisation that followed) and the Argentinian 2001/2002 crisis, and ended up with four major crises (as well as the 1997 one in East Asia) — Mexico (1994), Brazil (1999), and two in Argentina (1995 and 2001/2). Finally, the third inflow-cycle began in 2003 as soon as international financial markets felt reassured by the surprisingly neo-liberal orientation of President Lula’s government; this cycle intensified in 2004 with the beginning of a (purely speculative) commodity price-boom, and actually strengthened after a brief interlude following the 2008 global financial crash — and at the time of writing (mid-2011) this cycle is still unfolding, although already showing considerable signs of distress. The main aim of this paper is to analyse the financial crises resulting from this second cycle (both in LA and in East Asia) from the perspective of Keynesian/ Minskyian/ Kindlebergian financial economics. I will attempt to show that no matter how diversely these newly financially liberalised Developing Countries tried to deal with the absorption problem created by the subsequent surges of inflow (and they did follow different routes), they invariably ended up in a major crisis. As a result (and despite the insistence of mainstream analysis), these financial crises took place mostly due to factors that were intrinsic (or inherent) to the workings of over-liquid and under-regulated financial markets — and as such, they were both fully deserved and fairly predictable. Furthermore, these crises point not just to major market failures, but to a systemic market failure: evidence suggests that these crises were the spontaneous outcome of actions by utility-maximising agents, freely operating in friendly (light-touched) regulated, over-liquid financial markets. That is, these crises are clear examples that financial markets can be driven by buyers who take little notice of underlying values — investors have incentives to interpret information in a biased fashion in a systematic way. ‘Fat tails’ also occurred because under these circumstances there is a high likelihood of self-made disastrous events. In other words, markets are not always right — indeed, in the case of financial markets they can be seriously wrong as a whole. Also, as the recent collapse of ‘MF Global’ indicates, the capacity of ‘utility-maximising’ agents operating in unregulated and over-liquid financial market to learn from previous mistakes seems rather limited.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)