Truth Recovery and Justice after Conflict: Managing Violent Pasts

Breen Smyth, M. (2007). Truth Recovery and Justice after Conflict: Managing Violent Pasts. Abingdon: Routledge. RAE2008

Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte: ?hero' or ?grotesque mediocrity'?

Price, Roger. 'Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte: ?hero' or ?grotesque mediocrity'?', In: Marx's Eighteenth Brumaire: (post) modern interpretations (London: Pluto Press, 2002), pp.145-162 RAE2008

Trójpłaszczyznowa Szachownica. Segmentacja „Wielkiej Polityki” w rozważaniach Josepha Nye’a

Autor książki: Wielka szachownica. Cele polityki amerykańskiej (Warszawa 1998) postrzega stosunki wzajemne pośród uczestników areny międzynarodowej jako wielką szachownicę, na której toczy się pomiędzy nimi „Wielka Polityka” (gra). Sytuacja światowa rozgrywa się, według niego, na jednej szachownicy (arenie międzynarodowej), a uczestnicy „gry” zajmują pozycje pionków. Jest to, więc swoista partia szachów, gdzie silniejszy zdobywa prestiż, pieniądze i władzę, natomiast słabszy przegrywa wszystko, osiągając marginalne znaczenie na globalnej szachownicy. Z kolei J. Nye eksponuje trzy płaszczyzny tej samej szachownicy, a mianowicie: potęgę militarną, gospodarczą oraz „miękkie środki oddziaływania politycznego”, wokół których toczy się polityka międzynarodowa. Jego trylogia poświęcona postrzeganiu potęgi państw powinna być lekturą obowiązkową, skierowaną przede wszystkim do polityków i mężów stanu, z przesłaniem, aby wskazane przez autora czynniki siły stosowali w praktyce, co pomoże im lepiej władać państwem. Jest to także książka przeznaczona dla wszystkich zainteresowanych polityką i jej zagadnieniami związanymi z percepcją potęgi. W niniejszej rozprawie naukowej skoncentrowałam się na trzech najważniejszych książkach J. Nye’a, stanowiących analizę atrybutów potęgi i wyjaśniających jej znaczenie. Są to: Bound to Lead. The Changing Nature of American Power (New York 1991), The Paradox of American Power. Why the World’s Only Superpower Can’t Go It Alone (Oxford 2002) oraz Soft Power. The Means to Success in World Politics (New York 2004; wyd. polskie: Soft Power. Jak osiągnąć sukces w polityce światowej, Warszawa 2007). Stanowią one podstawę do zrozumienia percepcji pojęcia potęgi Stanów Zjednoczonych. Choć autora zajmują także kwestie innych państw, to jednak właśnie mocarstwowość USA jako najpotężniejszego kraju na świecie, posiadającego wszelkie czynniki wzmacniające jego potęgę (władzę), stanowi podstawę rozważań J. Nye’a.

Genteel revolutionaries: the lives of Anna and Thomas Haslam

The lives of Thomas and Anna Haslam were dedicated to the attainment of women's equality. They were feminists before the word was coined. In an era when respectable women were not supposed to know of the existence of prostitutes, Anna became empowered to do the unthinkable, not only to speak in public but to discuss openly matters sexual and to attack the double standard of sexuality which was enshrined in the official treatment of prostitutes. Their life-long commitment to the cause of women's suffrage never faltered, despite the repeated discouragement of the fate of bills defeated in the House of Commons. The Haslams represented an Ireland which did not survive them. While they were dedicated to the union with Westminster, they worked happily with those who applied themselves to its destruction. Although in many ways they exemplified the virtues of their Quaker backgrounds, they did not subscribe to any organised religion. Despite living in straitened circumstances, they were part of an urban intellectual elite and participated in the social and cultural life of Dublin for over fifty years. It is tempting to speculate how the Haslams would have fared in post independence Ireland. Hanna Sheehy Skeffington who had impeccable nationalist credentials, was effectively marginalised. It is likely that they would have protested against discriminatory legislation in their usual law abiding manner but, in a country which quickly developed an overwhelmingly Roman Catholic ethos, would they have had a voice or a constituency? Ironically, Thomas's teaching on chastity would have found favour with the hierarchy; his message was disseminated in a simple and more pious manner in numerous Catholic Truth Society pamphlets. The Protestant minority never sought to subvert the institutions of the state, was careful not to criticise and kept its collective head down. Dáil Éireann was not bombarded with petitions for the restoration of divorce facilities or the unbanning of birth control. Those who sought such amenities obtained them quietly 'in another jurisdiction.' Fifty years were to pass before the condom wielding 'comely maidens' erupted on to the front pages of the Sunday papers. They were, one imagines, the spiritual descendants of the militant rather than the constitutional suffrage movement. "Once and for all we need to commit ourselves to the concept that women's rights are not factional or sectional privileges, bestowed on the few at the whim of the many. They are human rights. In a society in which the rights and potential of women are constrained no man can be truly free." These words spoken by Mary Robinson as President of Ireland are an echo of the principles to which the Haslams dedicated their lives and are, perhaps, a tribute to their efforts.

Social Work and theatre: considering intersections

Theatre is a cultural and artistic form that involves a process of communication between creators and is received in a space and time located in the public sphere, which has meant that, over the centuries, it has acted as a space for expression, exchange and debate regarding all manner of ideas, causes and struggles. Implicit within this process are processes of expression, creation and reception, by way of which people demonstrate, analyse and question ways of seeing and understanding life, and ways of being and existing in the world. This gives rise to educational, cultural, social and political potential, which has been endorsed in numerous studies and investigations. In this work, in which theoretical orientation is established through a review of the relevant literature, we consider different intersections that occur between theatre and social work in order to also show that dramatic and theatrical expression offers substantive methodologies for achieving some objectives of social work, particularly in areas such as critical literacy, reflexivity and recognition, awareness raising, social participation, personal and/or community development, ownership of cultural capital and access to personal and social wellbeing.

Abstract Hatred: Yeats and the Counter-Revolutionary Paradigm

This article examines W.B. Yeats's affiliation to a counter-revolutionary tradition that had its origins in the works of Edmund Burke and incorporated a range of later writers from Alexis de Tocqueville to Hippolyte Taine. This tradition possesses significant internal differences and contradictions, but it derives its general structure and coherence from a shared distrust of particular kinds of theoretical abstraction. Placed against this background, Yeats's extravagant campaign against the abstract develops political substance and form. The article demonstrates how Yeats's general denunciation of abstraction in politics drives his attacks on both nationalism and democracy in Ireland.

Green Political Theory

Ecologism or green political theory is the most recent of schools of political thinking. On the one hand, it focuses on issues that are extremely old in politics and philosophical inquiry – such as the relationship between the human and nonhuman worlds, the moral status of animals, what is the ‘good life’, and the ethical and political regulation of technological innovation. Yet on the other, it is also characterised as dealing with some specifically contemporary issues such as the economic and political implications of climate change, peak oil, overconsumption, resource competition and conflicts, and rising levels of global and national inequalities. It is also an extremely broad school of political thought covering a wide variety of concerns, contains a number of distinct sub-schools of green thought (here sharing a similarity with other political ideologies) and combines normative and empirical scientific elements in a unique manner making it distinctive from other political ideologies.

Partisanship and Public Reason

In the large body of literature concerning John Rawls’s Political Liberalism (1993) and his conception of public reason, little attention has been paid to the implications that the constraints of public reason have for partisans, i.e. citizens who participate in politics through political parties. This paper argues that even on the basis of a ‘mild’ understanding of Rawls’s conception of the constraints of public reason, which takes into account the various stipulations Rawls provided throughout his later work, when applied to partisans the constraints of public reason lose none or little of their hindering force. This seriously undermines the contribution that parties and partisans can provide to the change and the varieties of public reason that Rawls himself advocates as a response to social change and, therefore, to political justification and legitimacy. Parties articulate, coordinate and enhance societal demands which, without their support, may remain unheard and fail to change the acceptable terms of public reason and political justification. If the political speech of partisans is restrained, this potential for change (and, therefore, its contribution to political legitimacy) is seriously undermined.

Writing and living on the stage of history

This article studies the intercultural trajectory of a Portuguese female aristocrat of the eighteenth to nineteenth centuries. Her trajectory of intercultural transition from a Portuguese provincial lady into an independent owner of a sugar mill in tropical Bahia is documented through family letters, which provide a polyphonic representation of a movement of personal, family, and social transculturation over almost two decades. Maria Bárbara began her journey between cultures as a simple spectator-reader, progressively becoming a commentator-actor-protagonist-author in society, in politics, and in history. These letters function as a translation that is sometimes consecutive, other times simultaneous, of the events lived and witnessed. This concept of intercultural translation is based on the theories of Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2006, 2008), who argues that cultural differences imply that any comparison has to be made using procedures of proportion and correspondence which, taken as a whole, constitute the work of translation itself. These procedures construct approximations of the known to the unknown, of the strange to the familiar, of the ‘other’ to the ‘self’, categories which are always unstable. Likewise, this essay explores the unstable contexts of its object of study, with the purpose of understanding different rationalities and worldviews.

Associative Issue Ownership as a Determinant of Voters' Campaign Attention

Campaigns raise public interest in politics and allow parties to convey their messages to voters. However, voters' exposure and attention during campaigns are biased towards parties and candidates they like. This hinders parties' ability to reach new voters. This paper theorises and empirically tests a simple way in which parties can break partisan selective attention: owning an issue. When parties own issues that are important for a voter, that voter is more likely to notice them. Using survey data collected prior to the 2009 Belgian regional elections it is shown that this effect exists independent of partisan preferences and while controlling for the absolute visibility of a party in the media. This indicates that issue ownership has an independent impact on voters' attention to campaigns. This finding shows that owning salient issues yields (potential) advantages for parties, since getting noticed is a prerequisite for conveying electoral messages and increasing electoral success.

F. R. Lalor and Wm. Jaques Papers, 1910

F.R. [Francis Ramsey] Lalor (1856-1929) was born in St. Catharines, Ont. but lived most of his life in Dunnville, Haldimand County, Ont. He was a merchant and manufacturer. In 1903 he and a few partners founded the Monarch Knitting Co. Lalor was also an exporter of hardwood ashes used for agricultural purposes as fertilizer. Lalor was active in politics, he was a Conservative and the member of parliament for Haldimand, having been elected in the 1904, 1908, 1911 and 1917 elections. William Jaques lived in Simcoe, Norfolk County, Ontario. He was a junk dealer by profession.

Sean O'Sullivan fonds

Sean O’Sullivan was born in Hamilton, Ontario, in 1952. At an early age, he demonstrated an interest in politics. A chance meeting with John Diefenbaker in 1963, when Sean was just 11 years old, marked the beginning of his involvement with the Progressive Conservative Party. Diefenbaker became a mentor to him, and the two exchanged correspondence for many years. Sean became an active member of the Party, and his political career took off quickly. In 1965, he was elected to the executive of the Hamilton Area Young Progressive Conservatives, in 1968 was elected President, and also served as Youth Director for Diefenbaker’s re-election campaign. In 1970 he was elected President of the Ontario Young Progressive Conservatives, and in 1971 became Youth Adviser to Premier William Davis. Later that year, Diefenbaker chose Sean to be his Executive Assistant. In addition to his political activities, Sean enrolled at Brock University in 1969 to study political science. In 1972, he resigned as Diefenbaker’s assistant in order to run as a candidate for Hamilton-Wentworth in the federal election that year. At just 20 years of age, Sean was the youngest MP elected to the House of Commons. While working as an MP, Sean continued his studies at Brock University part-time, graduating with distinction. After being re-elected in 1974, he rose to greater prominence when he succeeded in having a private member’s bill passed making the beaver one of Canada’s national symbols. In 1977, he resigned as MP in order to pursue religious studies and become a Catholic priest. After completing four years of studies at the Irish College of Rome’s Gregorian University, Sean was ordained a priest in Toronto in 1981. In July, 1982, he was appointed Director of Vocations (full-time recruiter) for the archdiocese of Toronto. In this capacity, he implemented a controversial and widely publicized campaign to recruit priests. The recruitment succeeded in generating interest in the priesthood, doubling the number of students in the archdiocese. He was one of the founding members of Serra House, a residence for students considering the priesthood. After his term as Vocations Director ended in 1985, O’Sullivan became publisher of The Catholic Register, a weekly church newspaper. That same year, he was awarded an honorary doctorate from Brock University. In January 1987, he was appointed a Member of the Order of Canada. Later that year, he submitted a report to the Attorney General of Ontario, titled You’ve got a Friend, after conducting an independent review of Advocacy for Vulnerable Adults in Ontario at the request of the government. In 1983, O’Sullivan was diagnosed with leukemia. The disease went into remission after treatment, but was incurable. In 1989, he had a bone marrow transplant at Princess Margaret Hospital in Toronto, but died shortly afterwards. He was 37 years old. A memorial fund was established in his name, and included contributions from prominent business, church and political leaders such as Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, Toronto Sun Chairman Doug Crieghton and His Eminence G. Emmett Carter. The O’Sullivan family requested that Brock University be the beneficiary of the proceeds of the campaign.