Sexual risk behaviors and HIV risk among Americans aged 50 years or older: a review.

Although HIV-related sexual risk behaviors have been studied extensively in adolescents and young adults, there is limited information about these behaviors among older Americans, which make up a growing segment of the US population and an understudied population. This review of the literature dealing with sexual behaviors that increase the risk of becoming HIV-infected found a low prevalence of condom use among older adults, even when not in a long-term relationship with a single partner. A seminal study by Schick et al published in 2010 reported that the prevalence of condom use at last intercourse was highest among those aged 50-59 years (24.3%; 95% confidence interval, 15.6-35.8) and declined with age, with a 17.1% prevalence among those aged 60-69 years (17.1%; 95% confidence interval, 7.3-34.2). Studies have shown that older Americans may underestimate their risk of becoming HIV-infected. Substance use also increases the risk for sexual risk behaviors, and studies have indicated that the prevalence of substance use among older adults has increased in the past decade. As is the case with younger adults, the prevalence of HIV infections is elevated among ethnic minorities, drug users (eg, injection drug users), and men who have sex with men. When infected, older adults are likely to be diagnosed with HIV-related medical disorders later in the course of illness compared with their younger counterparts. Physicians are less likely to discuss sexual risk behaviors with older adults and to test them for HIV compared with younger adults. Thus, it is important to educate clinicians about sexual risk behaviors in the older age group and to design preventive interventions specifically designed for older adults.

Do Multiculturalism Policies Erode the Welfare State (Working Paper 33)

The past 30 years have witnessed a dramatic change in the way Western democracies deal with ethnic minorities. In the past, ethnic diversity was often seen as a threat to political stability, and minorities were subject to a range of policies intended to assimilate or marginalize them. Today, many Western democracies have adopted a more accommodating approach. This is reflected in the widespread adoption of multiculturalism policies for immigrant groups, the acceptance of territorial autonomy and language rights for national minorities, and the recognition of land claims and selfgovernment rights for indigenous peoples. We refer to these policies as “multiculturalism policies” or MCPs. The adoption of MCPs has been controversial, for two reasons. The first is a philosophical critique, which argues that MCPs are inherently inconsistent with basic liberal-democratic principles. Since the mid-1990s, however, this philosophical debate has been supplemented by a second argument: namely, that MCPs make it more difficult to sustain a robust Welfare State (hereafter WS). Critics worry that such policies erode the interpersonal trust, social solidarity and political coalitions that sustain a strongly redistributive WS. This paper reviews the reasons why critics believe that MCPs weaken political support for redistribution, and then examines empirically whether the adoption of MCPs has, in fact, been associated with erosion of the WS. This examination involves two steps: we develop a taxonomy of MCPs and classify Western democracies as “strong”, “modest” or “weak” in their level of MCPs. We then examine whether the strength of MCPs is associated with the erosion of the WS during the 1980s and 1990s. The evolution of the WS is measured through change in four indicators: social spending as a percentage of GDP; the redistributive impact of taxes and transfers; levels of child poverty; and the level of income inequality. We find no evidence of a consistent relationship between the adoption of MCPs and the erosion of the WS. Our analysis has limits, and we hope it stimulates further research. Nevertheless, the preliminary evidence presented here is clear: the case advanced by critics of MCPs is not supported. The growing ethnic diversity of Western societies has generated pressures for the construction of new and more inclusive forms of citizenship and national identity. The evidence in this paper suggests that debates over the appropriateness of multiculturalism policies as one response to this diversity should not be pre-empted by unsupported fears about their impact on the WS.

The Location of Cultural Authenticity: Identifying the Real and the Fake in Urban Guizhou

This article examines notions of cultural identity and authenticity and how these notions are articulated in the small city of Kaili in Guizhou Province, an ethnically diverse region. Despite its urban status, Kaili has been branded by the local government as a yuanshengtai tourist destination. This Chinese term literally translates as “original ecology” but is used in ordinary conversation to denote a cultural authenticity in which people exist in quiet harmony with nature. Promotional literature uses the term to tout the ethnic cultural practices that mainly occur in the villages of Kaili’s municipal periphery. In contrast, many local urban inhabitants—although amenable to the promotion of Kaili as a tourist destination—have rejected the notion that the city itself could be considered culturally authentic, and proudly declare themselves “fake” ethnic minorities, as against the “genuine” ethnic people of surrounding villages. These small-city inhabitants have also defined themselves against big-city visitors by attributing to the visitors a naïve fascination with cultural authenticity, while themselves remaining aloof from such practices. The cultural authenticity discourse in Kaili has thus facilitated a reordering of social and spatial hierarchies, as blasé small-city residents define themselves against both culturally authentic rural people and authenticity-seeking big-city tourists. In analyzing this, the article draws out the broader implications regarding PRC notions of ethnicity, cultural practices, heritage, and identity.

Understandings of transnational families in debates on Migration and development

International migration sets in motion a range of significant transnational processes that connect countries and people. How migration interacts with development and how policies might promote and enhance such interactions have, since the turn of the millennium, gained attention on the international agenda. The recognition that transnational practices connect migrants and their families across sending and receiving societies forms part of this debate. The ways in which policy debate employs and understands transnational family ties nevertheless remain underexplored. This article sets out to discern the understandings of the family in two (often intermingled) debates concerned with transnational interactions: The largely state and policydriven discourse on the potential benefits of migration on economic development, and the largely academic transnational family literature focusing on issues of care and the micro-politics of gender and generation. Emphasizing the relation between diverse migration-development dynamics and specific family positions, we ask whether an analytical point of departure in respective transnational motherhood, fatherhood or childhood is linked to emphasizing certain outcomes. We conclude by sketching important strands of inclusions and exclusions of family matters in policy discourse and suggest ways to better integrate a transnational family perspective in global migration-development policy.

El concepto de ciudadanía en la obra de Dominique Schnapper: entre el tipo ideal sociológico y el ideal de sociedad democrática

Este artículo analiza la evolución del concepto de ciudadanía en la obra de Dominique Schnapper como uno de los ejemplos más destacados en la sociología contemporánea de una aproximación completa a la cuestión. A través de un recorrido exhaustivo por su obra, el objetivo es profundizar en la comprensión de la tensión entre la dinámica democrática y la idea de ciudadanía en cuanto que tipo ideal del vínculo social y como principio regulador de las sociedades democráticas. La autora propone en sus primeros trabajos una noción de ciudadanía vinculada al proceso político de construcción de la nación que no distingue entre la definición de un tipo ideal sociológico y la construcción de un ideal de sociedad. Esta confusión se corrige al introducir posteriormente en el análisis la incidencia de la democracia sobre las experiencias individuales de la ciudadanía, aportando una perspectiva de análisis de gran utilidad tanto para la comprensión de la dinámica contemporánea de las sociedades democráticas como para la necesaria defensa de la ciudadanía como vínculo social fundamental y como principio fundador de la legitimidad política.

Disentangling Discrimination: The Impact of Political and Societal Discrimination on Democratic (Dis)Engagement

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08

Minería de oro en el marco de la inseguridad normativa, los grupos de interés y las zonas de exclusión

En este artículo se aborda el tema de la minería en zonas excluibles, por medio de una revisión bibliográfica de la legislación vigente, y se ejemplifican dos casos icono que se han presentado en Colombia en relación con la minería de oro en áreas de protección: el Parque Nacional Yaigojé-Apaporis y el Páramo de Santurbán. En ambos casos se evidencia la falta de coordinación entre las autoridades mineras y ambientales, y el vacío legislativo especialmente en la fase exploratoria, que, además de causar serios impactos ambientales y vulnerar los derechos de minorías étnicas y la población en general, crea inseguridad normativa y grandes costos a las empresas mineras. En un primer momento se describe el panorama jurídico que rige la explotación minera en Colombia, seguido de un contexto técnico del ciclo minero y de las implicaciones desde el punto de vista jurídico de este tipo de explotaciones en áreas protegidas. Luego, se presenta una cronología de los estudios de caso de la minería en un área protegida del sistema de Parques Nacionales y otra de carácter regional, concluyendo que la falta de coordinación entre instituciones deja al sector en un limbo jurídico.

El principio de igualdad y no discriminación en relación con la pensión de viudedad y el «matrimonio gitano»

El punto de partida de nuestro estudio se sitúa en el polémico y discutido asunto resuelto por la sentencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos de 8 de diciembre de 2009, Caso Muñoz Díaz c. España, donde se condena al Estado español por denegar la pensión de viudedad a una ciudadana casada exclusivamente por el rito matrimonial gitano. Al hilo de esta resolución analizaremos, entre otras cuestiones, las diversas formas matrimoniales a las que nuestro legislador otorga efectos civiles, la incidencia de dichas disposiciones en el principio de igualdad y no discriminación consagrado en el artículo 14 de la Constitución y en el artículo 14 del Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos, y la posible vulneración de dicho principio en el marco de las prestaciones sociales reguladas en la Ley General de la Seguridad Social, recientemente reformada.

RACISM IN DIGITAL ERA: DEVELOPMENT AND INITIAL VALIDATION OF THE PERCEIVED ONLINE RACISM SCALE (PORS V1.0)

Racism continues to thrive on the Internet. Yet, little is known about racism in online settings and the potential consequences. The purpose of this study was to develop the Perceived Online Racism Scale (PORS), the first measure to assess people’s perceived online racism experiences as they interact with others and consume information on the Internet. Items were developed through a multi-stage process based on literature review, focus-groups, and qualitative data collection. Based on a racially diverse large-scale sample (N = 1023), exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses provided support for a 30-item bifactor model with the following three factors: (a) 14-item PORS-IP (personal experiences of racism in online interactions), (b) 5-item PORS-V (observations of other racial/ethnic minorities being offended), and (c) 11-item PORS-I (consumption of online contents and information denigrating racial/ethnic minorities and highlighting racial injustice in society). Initial construct validity examinations suggest that PORS is significantly linked to psychological distress.

Comunicación para la inclusión social de minorías. La Clase Mágica, un modelo de intervención para el cambio social

Las minorías culturales y étnicas son con frecuencia los grupos más desfavorecidos en términos sociales y económicos debido a su falta de representación institucional. El objetivo de este artículo es proponer un modelo de intervención capaz de aumentar el poder de participación de una minoría a través de la comunicación horizontal con otras identidades mayoritarias. Los resultados del estudio de caso del programa socioeducativo La Clase Mágica, para el que se utiliza una metodología eminentemente cuantitativa a partir de cuestionario, demuestran que estos aspectos contribuyen a que los mexicanos de primera y segunda generación en el sur de California desarrollen capacidades clave para el empoderamiento y la inclusión social. Además, el programa impactó en un factor determinante para que una comunidad consiga ganar poder de acción y voz suficiente para influir en las instituciones sociales: los apoyos externos.

Empregabilidade e inserção no mercado de trabalho das comunidades ciganas em Portugal e Espanha

A investigação desenvolvida é sobre a empregabilidade e inserção no mercado de trabalho da comunidade cigana portuguesa. Deste ponto de vista, a investigação recai sobre o processo desenvolvido de integração social nas últimas décadas onde se questiona, os Planos de Ação para a Inclusão das Comunidades Ciganas e o seu impacto na vida socioprofissional das mesmas. Para o efeito, será realizado um estudo comparado entre Portugal e Espanha no que concerne ao processo de integração social das comunidades ciganas. Estudos recentes do Instituto Português de Administração e Marketing (IPAM) referem que o emprego é mais difícil de conseguir para pessoas deficientes e pessoas ciganas (os cegos lideram a tabela com 71,6 por cento, seguindo-se a etnia cigana com 47,3).1 Um dos principais obstáculos que se tem verificado em relação à inserção no mercado de trabalho é consequência do problema da discriminação institucional (direta ou indireta)2, relutância por parte das próprias entidades responsáveis pela implementação do desenvolvimento dos programas de emprego. Devido à importância do exercício da cidadania no processo de integração social, realizar-se à uma parte empírica dedicada ao movimento associativo em Portugal e Espanha, de modo a perceber qual o seu envolvimento na definição da política social e respetivas prioridades em relação ao emprego e defesa dos direitos humanos. No quadro da compreensão, será desenvolvido uma investigação qualitativa e quantitativa, com recurso à aplicação de inquérito junto de dirigentes/representantes de ONG´S Ciganas nos dois países, no que concerne à participação/representação das mesmas, na definição de estratégias de intervenção social tendo em conta a politica social nacional e as orientações da União Europeia como é exemplo, a Estratégia Nacional Para a Integração da Comunidade Cigana; EMPLOYABILITY AND INTEGRATION IN THE LABOUR MARKET OF THE GYPSY IN PORTUGAL AND SPAIN Abstract: The research carried out is on employability and inclusion in the Community Portuguese Gypsy labor market. From this point of view, the investigation lies with the developed process of social integration in recent decades where it questions the Action Plans for Inclusion of Roma communities and their impact on the socio-professional life of the community Gypsy. For this purpose, a comparative study between Portugal and Spain regarding the process of social integration of Roma will be held. Recent studies of the Portuguese Institute of Administration and Marketing (IPAM), indicate that employment is more difficult to achieve for disable people and Roma people (the blind lead the table with 71.6 percent, followed by 47%). One of the main obstacles that has been seen in relation to the insertion in the labor market is a result of the problem of institutional discrimination (direct or indirect), reluctance by the very entities responsible for implementing the development of employment programs. Because of the importance of citizenship in the social integration process, carried out the empirical part dedicated to the associative movement in Portugal and Spain, in order to understand what their involvement in the definition of social policy and respective priorities in relation to employment and defense of human rights. In the context of understanding, a qualitative research will be developed, using the application survey of leaders / representatives of NGOs Roma in both countries, with respect to participation / representation of the same in the definition of social intervention strategies taking into account national social policy and the guidelines of the European Union as example, the national Strategy for the Integration of Roma Community.

Antropologos, arqueólogos, imperalismo y mayanizacion de hinduras 1890-1940

Resumen Desde principios del siglo XX, desde el estado hondureño se ralizan esfuerzos por mayanizar Honduras. El autor vincula este ´proceso con la hegemonía bananera en ese país centroamericano y con la integración de varios discursos en una identidad nacional post-colonial Abstract Since the start of the twentieth century, the Honduran state fomented efforts to “mayanize” Honduras. The author links this process with the hegemony of banana interests in that Central America country and the integration of various discourses into a post-colonial national identity

Dangerous identities : the impact of fundamental ethnic identities on conflict intensity

Bien que plusieurs chercheurs aient analysé l'influence de divers facteurs sur l'intensité des conflits ethniques, il a été constaté que l'identité ethnique elle-même n'a jamais été correctement examinée. Ce phénomène est essentiellement dû à ce que nous croyons être une classification inexacte des groupes ethniques. Nous proposons une nouvelle méthode de catégorisation pour les identités ethniques présentant que la religion, la langue et la race forment les distinctions les plus précises et nous les classifions alors comme les identités ethniques fondamentales. Subséquemment, une étude comparative de ces identités ethniques a été entreprise avec l'utilisation de deux bases de données différentes: l’ensemble de données Battle Deaths qui est associé avec la base de données sur les conflits armés de l’UCDP/PRIO et la base de données Minorities at Risk. Les résultats, dans leur ensemble, ont indiqué que les identités ethniques avec des attachements émotifs plus intenses mènent à une plus grande intensité de conflit. Les conflits ethniques fondamentaux ont démontré une tendance à mener à des conflits plus intenses que les conflits ethniques non-fondamentaux. De plus, la similitude parmi les groupes ethniques tend à affaiblir l'intensité des conflits. En outre, l'étude a également conclu que plus le nombre d'identités ethnique fondamentales impliquées dans un conflit est grand, plus le conflit sera intense. Cependant, les résultats ne pouvaient pas déterminer une différence conséquente parmi l’influence relative des trois identités ethniques fondamentales.

The Dynamics of the Policies of Ethnic Cleansing in Silesia in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

Through studying German, Polish and Czech publications on Silesia, Mr. Kamusella found that most of them, instead of trying to objectively analyse the past, are devoted to proving some essential "Germanness", "Polishness" or "Czechness" of this region. He believes that the terminology and thought-patterns of nationalist ideology are so deeply entrenched in the minds of researchers that they do not consider themselves nationalist. However, he notes that, due to the spread of the results of the latest studies on ethnicity/nationalism (by Gellner, Hobsbawm, Smith, Erikson Buillig, amongst others), German publications on Silesia have become quite objective since the 1980s, and the same process (impeded by under funding) has been taking place in Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989. His own research totals some 500 pages, in English, presented on disc. So what are the traps into which historians have been inclined to fall? There is a tendency for them to treat Silesia as an entity which has existed forever, though Mr. Kamusella points out that it emerged as a region only at the beginning of the 11th century. These same historians speak of Poles, Czechs and Germans in Silesia, though Mr. Kamusella found that before the mid-19th century, identification was with an inhabitant's local area, religion or dynasty. In fact, a German national identity started to be forged in Prussian Silesia only during the Liberation War against Napoleon (1813-1815). It was concretised in 1861 in the form of the first Prussian census, when the language a citizen spoke was equated with his/her nationality. A similar census was carried out in Austrian Silesia only in 1881. The censuses forced the Silesians to choose their nationality despite their multiethnic multicultural identities. It was the active promotion of a German identity in Prussian Silesia, and Vienna's uneasy acceptance of the national identities in Austrian Silesia which stimulated the development of Polish national, Moravian ethnic and Upper Silesian ethnic regional identities in Upper Silesia, and Polish national, Czech national, Moravian ethnic and Silesian ethnic identities in Austrian Silesia. While traditional historians speak of the "nationalist struggle" as though it were a permanent characteristic of Silesia, Mr. Kamusella points out that such a struggle only developed in earnest after 1918. What is more, he shows how it has been conveniently forgotten that, besides the national players, there were also significant ethnic movements of Moravians, Upper Silesians, Silesians and the tutejsi (i.e. those who still chose to identify with their locality). At this point Mr. Kamusella moves into the area of linguistics. While traditionally historians have spoken of the conflicts between the three national languages (German, Polish and Czech), Mr Kamusella reminds us that the standardised forms of these languages, which we choose to dub "national", were developed only in the mid-18th century, after 1869 (when Polish became the official language in Galicia), and after the 1870s (when Czech became the official language in Bohemia). As for standard German, it was only widely promoted in Silesia from the mid 19th century onwards. In fact, the majority of the population of Prussian Upper Silesia and Austrian Silesia were bi- or even multilingual. What is more, the "Polish" and "Czech" Silesians spoke were not the standard languages we know today, but a continuum of West-Slavic dialects in the countryside and a continuum of West-Slavic/German creoles in the urbanised areas. Such was the linguistic confusion that, from time to time, some ethnic/regional and Church activists strove to create a distinctive Upper Silesian/Silesian language on the basis of these dialects/creoles, but their efforts were thwarted by the staunch promotion of standard German, and after 1918, of standard Polish and Czech. Still on the subject of language, Mr. Kamusella draws attention to a problem around the issue of place names and personal names. Polish historians use current Polish versions of the Silesian place names, Czechs use current Polish/Czech versions of the place names, and Germans use the German versions which were in use in Silesia up to 1945. Mr. Kamusella attempted to avoid this, as he sees it, nationalist tendency, by using an appropriate version of a place name for a given period and providing its modern counterpart in parentheses. In the case of modern place names he gives the German version in parentheses. As for the name of historical figures, he strove to use the name entered on the birth certificate of the person involved, and by doing so avoid such confusion as, for instance, surrounds the Austrian Silesian pastor L.J. Sherschnik, who in German became Scherschnick, in Polish, Szersznik, and in Czech, Sersnik. Indeed, the prospective Silesian scholar should, Mr. Kamusella suggests, as well as the three languages directly involved in the area itself, know English and French, since many documents and books on the subject have been published in these languages, and even Latin, when dealing in depth with the period before the mid-19th century. Mr. Kamusella divides the policies of ethnic cleansing into two categories. The first he classifies as soft, meaning that policy is confined to the educational system, army, civil service and the church, and the aim is that everyone learn the language of the dominant group. The second is the group of hard policies, which amount to what is popularly labelled as ethnic cleansing. This category of policy aims at the total assimilation and/or physical liquidation of the non-dominant groups non-congruent with the ideal of homogeneity of a given nation-state. Mr. Kamusella found that soft policies were consciously and systematically employed by Prussia/Germany in Prussian Silesia from the 1860s to 1918, whereas in Austrian Silesia, Vienna quite inconsistently dabbled in them from the 1880s to 1917. In the inter-war period, the emergence of the nation-states of Poland and Czechoslovakia led to full employment of the soft policies and partial employment of the hard ones (curbed by the League of Nations minorities protection system) in Czechoslovakian Silesia, German Upper Silesia and the Polish parts of Upper and Austrian Silesia. In 1939-1945, Berlin started consistently using all the "hard" methods to homogenise Polish and Czechoslovakian Silesia which fell, in their entirety, within the Reich's borders. After World War II Czechoslovakia regained its prewar part of Silesia while Poland was given its prewar section plus almost the whole of the prewar German province. Subsequently, with the active involvement and support of the Soviet Union, Warsaw and Prague expelled the majority of Germans from Silesia in 1945-1948 (there were also instances of the Poles expelling Upper Silesian Czechs/Moravians, and of the Czechs expelling Czech Silesian Poles/pro-Polish Silesians). During the period of communist rule, the same two countries carried out a thorough Polonisation and Czechisation of Silesia, submerging this region into a new, non-historically based administrative division. Democratisation in the wake of the fall of communism, and a gradual retreat from the nationalist ideal of the homogeneous nation-state with a view to possible membership of the European Union, caused the abolition of the "hard" policies and phasing out of the "soft" ones. Consequently, limited revivals of various ethnic/national minorities have been observed in Czech and Polish Silesia, whereas Silesian regionalism has become popular in the westernmost part of Silesia which remained part of Germany. Mr. Kamusella believes it is possible that, with the overcoming of the nation-state discourse in European politics, when the expression of multiethnicity and multilingualism has become the cause of the day in Silesia, regionalism will hold sway in this region, uniting its ethnically/nationally variegated population in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity championed by the European Union.