Violence domestique: guide pratique. Améliorer la prise en charge des femmes concernées

[Table des matières] Généralités sur la violence domestique: Définition de la violence domestique, Prise en charge: possibilités et limites, Dépistage de la violence domestique, Signes et symptômes évoquant un contexte de violence domestique &. La situation spécifique des femmes migrantes. - Documentation: Marche à suivre: check-list, Consentement, Constat médical en cas de violence domestique, Examen physique, Attestation. - Annexes: Bases légales, Gynécologie des enfants et adolescentes, Caisse maladie et éléments financiers, Coordonnées des centres spécialisés, Centres cantonaux d'aide aux victimes d'infraction (Centres LAVI), Littérature et liens. - Suppléments: Marche à suivre: check-list, Spécimens de constat médical [Editorial (extrait)] Le groupe de travail «Abus sexuels au cabinet médical» - constitué voici quelques années par la Société Suisse de Gynécologie et d'Obstétrique - s'est vu chargé par le président de la société d'élaborer un guide pratique pour aborder la violence domestique. En Suisse, des études d'envergure montrent qu'une femme sur quatre au cours de sa vie et une femme sur dix durant les !" derniers mois sont confrontées à la violence. Ces études révèlent un lien étroit entre de nombreux problèmes de santé et le fait de subir de la violence conjugale. La moitié des femmes touchées présentent des problèmes de santé physiques et deux tiers des problèmes de santé psychiques ou des troubles d'ordre psychosomatiques. Et ce sont ces problèmes qui amèneront les femmes à consulter leur médecin. Le groupe de travail poursuit l'objectif d'améliorer la prise en charge des femmes concernées par la violence. En effet, aussi longtemps que la cause réelle des symptômes et des plaintes, à savoir le fait de vivre dans un contexte de violence, n'est pas dépistée, aucune mesure thérapeutique ne pourra avoir d'impact durable sur la santé de la patiente. Les femmes concernées par la violence domestique s'adressent de préférence à leur médecin. De ce fait, les gynécologues, au sein de leur cabinet et dans les cliniques, vont entrer en contact avec ces femmes. Il est donc important que chacun dispose des connaissances nécessaires à leur prise en charge.

Collective victimisation and collective guilt in the former Yugoslavia : the interplay between individual, local and societal levels

The thesis examines the impact of collective war victimization on individuals' readiness to accept or assign collective guilt for past war atrocities. As a complement to previous studies, its aim is to articulate an integrated approach to collective victimization, which distinguishes between individual-, communal-, and societal-level consequences of warfare. Building on a social representation approach, it is guided by the assumption that individuals form beliefs about a conflict through their personal experiences of victimization, communal experiences of warfare that occur in their proximal surrounding, and the mass- mediatised narratives that circulate in a society's public sphere. Four empirical studies test the hypothesis that individuals' beliefs about the conflict depend on the level and type of war experiences to which they have been exposed, that is, on informative and normative micro and macro contexts in which they are embedded. The studies have been conducted in the context of the Yugoslav wars that attended the breakup of Yugoslavia, a series of wars fought between 1991 and 2001 during which numerous war atrocities were perpetrated causing a massive victimisation of population. To examine the content and impact of war experiences at each level of analysis, the empirical studies employed various methodological strategies, from quantitative analyses of a representative public opinion survey, to qualitative analyses of media content and political speeches. Study 1 examines the impact of individual- and communal- level war experiences on individuals' acceptance and assignment of collective guilt. It further examines the impact of the type of communal level victimization: exposure to symmetric (i.e., violence that similarly affects members of different ethnic groups, including adversaries) and asymmetric violence. The main goal of Study 2 is to examine the structural and political circumstances that enhance collective guilt assignment. While the previous studies emphasize the role of past victimisation, Study 2 tests the assumption that the political demobilisation strategy employed by elites facing public discontent in the collective system-threatening circumstances can fuel out-group blame. Studies 3 and 4 have been conducted predominantly in the context of Croatia and examine rhetoric construction of the dominant politicized narrative of war in a public sphere (Study 3) and its maintenance through public delegitimization of alternative (critical) representations (Study 4). Study 4 further examines the likelihood that highly identified group members adhere to publicly delegitimized critical stances on war. - Cette thèse étudie l'impact de la victimisation collective de guerre sur la capacité des individus à accepter ou à attribuer une culpabilité collective liée à des atrocités commises en temps de guerre. En compléments aux recherches existantes, le but de ce travail est de définir une approche intégrative de la victimisation collective, qui distingue les conséquences de la guerre aux niveaux individuel, régional et sociétal. En partant de l'approche des représentations sociales, cette thèse repose sur le postulat que les individus forment des croyances sur un conflit au travers de leurs expériences personnelles de victimisation, de leurs expériences de guerre lorsque celle-ci se déroule près d'eux, ainsi qu'au travers des récits relayés par les mass media. Quatre études testent l'hypothèse que les croyances des individus dépendent des niveaux et des types d'expériences de guerre auxquels ils ont été exposés, c'est-à-dire, des contextes informatifs et normatifs, micro et macro dans lesquels ils sont insérés. Ces études ont été réalisées dans le contexte des guerres qui, entre 1991 et 2001, ont suivi la dissolution de la Yougoslavie et durant lesquelles de nombreuses atrocités de guerre ont été commises, causant une victimisation massive de la population. Afin d'étudier le contenu et l'impact des expériences de guerre sur chaque niveau d'analyse, différentes stratégies méthodologiques ont été utilisées, des analyses quantitatives sur une enquête représentative d'opinion publique aux analyses qualitatives de contenu de médias et de discours politiques. L'étude 1 étudie l'impact des expériences de guerre individuelles et régionales sur l'acceptation et l'attribution de la culpabilité collective par les individus. Elle examine aussi l'impact du type de victimisation régionale : exposition à la violence symétrique (i.e., violence qui touche les membres de différents groupes ethniques, y compris les adversaires) et asymétrique. L'étude 2 se penche sur les circonstances structurelles et politiques qui augmentent l'attribution de culpabilité collective. Alors que les recherches précédentes ont mis l'accent sur le rôle de la victimisation passée, l'étude 2 teste l'hypothèse que la stratégie de démobilisation politique utilisée par les élites pour faire face à l'insatisfaction publique peut encourager l'attribution de la culpabilité à l'exogroupe. Les études 3 et 4 étudient, principalement dans le contexte croate, la construction rhétorique du récit de guerre politisé dominant (étude 3) et son entretien à travers la délégitimation publique des représentations alternatives (critiques] (étude 4). L'étude 4 examine aussi la probabilité qu'ont les membres de groupe fortement identifiés d'adhérer à des points de vue sur la guerre critiques et publiquement délégitimés.

Psychiatrie et violence : quel est le risque acceptable ?

L'évolution des connaissances et des compétences en matière d'évaluation et de gestion du risque de violence a permis une indiscutable avancée. Néanmoins les instruments utilisés restent encore source de controverses et prêtent le flanc à de nombreuses critiques. Dans ce contexte le climat sécuritaire actuel fait peser une lourde pression sur les équipes soignantes qui ont aussi à faire face à la violence des patients. Une réflexion sur les possibilités et les limites autant du soin que de la privation de liberté permet, peut-être d'envisager ce qu'est un risque acceptable. Evolution of knowledge and skills in violence risk management and assessment allowed an indisputable progress. Nevertheless instruments used such as HCR-20 still remain source of controversy and gives occurrence to numerous criticisms. In this context, the current high security climate puts added pressure on the medical teams which also have to deal with the violence of patients. A reflection on the possibilities and the limits of care as well as freedom deprivation may allow us to envision what is an acceptable risk.

Un projet de recherche : identifier les compétences développées par les policiers exposés à la violence et aux incivilités

Les problèmes de santé mentale (détresse psychique, dépression, burn-out, etc.) sont une préoccupation grandissante dans les sociétés occidentales. Ils se caractérisent par de gros risques de rechutes et de chronicisation (Lopez, Mathers, Ezzati, Jamison, Murray, 2006; The WHO World Mental Health Survey Consortium, 2004), ainsi que par des conséquences dramatiques pour les personnes qui en sont les victimes. Pour les organisations - et la police n'échappe pas à ce phénomène - ces problèmes constituent un défi majeur puisqu'ils sont associés à des épisodes d'absences prolongées et à une diminution importante de l'efficacité au travail. [Auteur]

Adapting dating violence prevention to francophone Switzerland: a story of intra-western cultural differences.

Dating violence prevention programs, which originated in the United States, are beginning to be implemented elsewhere. This article presents the first adaptation of a violence prevention program for a European culture, Francophone Switzerland. A U.S. dating violence prevention program, Safe Dates (Foshee & Langwick, 1994), was reviewed in 19 youth and 4 professional focus groups. The most fundamental program concepts--"dating" and "violence"--are not the same in Switzerland and the United States. Swiss youth were not very focused on establishing monogamous romantic relationships, and there is no ready translation for "dating." Violence has not become the focus of a social movement in Switzerland to the same extent that it has in the United States, and distinctions among terms such as "dating violence" and "domestic violence" are not well known. Psychoeducational approaches are also less common in the Swiss context. As the movement to prevent violence extends worldwide, these issues need greater consideration.

The Impact of democratization: a preliminary investigation on social policies and political violence in Latin America

The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.

Strategic mass killings

Since World War II there have been about fifty episodes of large-scale mass killings of civilians and massive forced displacements. They were usually meticulously planned and independent of military goals. We provide a model where conflict onset, conflict intensity and the decision to commit mass killings are all endogenous, with two main goals: (1) to identify the key variables and situations that make mass killings more likely to occur; and (2) to distinguish conditions under which mass killings and military conflict intensity reinforce each other from situations where they are substitute modes of strategic violence. We predict that mass killings are most likely in societies with large natural resources, significant proportionality constraints for rent sharing, low productivity and low state capacity. Further, massacres are more likely in a civil than in an interstate war, as in the latter group sizes matter less for future rents. In non polarized societies there are asymmetric equilibria with only the larger group wanting to engage in massacres. In such settings the smaller group compensates for this by fighting harder in the first place. In this case we can talk of mass killings and fighting efforts to be substitutes. In contrast, in polarized societies either both or none of the groups can be ready to do mass killings in case of victory. Under the "shadow of mass killings" groups fight harder. Hence, in this case massacres and fighting are complements. We also present novel empirical results on the role of natural resources in mass killings and on what kinds of ethnic groups are most likely to be victimized in massacres and forced resettlements, using group level panel data.

Violence et non-violence, modèle et contre-modèle dans le contexte de l'Inde moderne.

(Résumé de l'ouvrage) La violence dans nos sociétés ne semble pas diminuer; bien au contraire, elle resurgit toujours avec des moyens et des stratagèmes de plus en plus perfectionnés, provoquant la destruction de la vie humaine et mettant en danger son épanouissement. Avec la rationalisation des activités dans de nombreux secteurs de la vie, la violence et ses moyens se sont rationalisés aussi, pour mieux servir le pouvoir et la force. Les armes sous toutes leurs formes deviennent ainsi une marchandise pour soutenir les économies des pays. Les religions provoquent-elles vraiment la violence? Si elles n'affichent pas ouvertement une telle intention, peuvent-elles induire des actes violents? Dans l'éventualité où les religions ne sont pas vraiment à l'origine de violences, on peut cependant se demander si, par elles-mêmes, elles peuvent contribuer à une diminution de la violence dans les sociétés et créer la paix. Quelques spécialistes universitaires, enseignant et chercheurs, se posent ces questions et tentent d'y apporter une réponse.

Etiology of ethnic differences in childhood spirometry.

OBJECTIVES: Age- and height-adjusted spirometric lung function of South Asian children is lower than those of white children. It is unclear whether this is purely genetic, or partly explained by the environment. In this study, we assessed whether cultural factors, socioeconomic status, intrauterine growth, environmental exposures, or a family and personal history of wheeze contribute to explaining the ethnic differences in spirometric lung function. METHODS: We studied children aged 9 to 14 years from a population-based cohort, including 1088 white children and 275 UK-born South Asians. Log-transformed spirometric data were analyzed using multiple linear regressions, adjusting for anthropometric factors. Five different additional models adjusted for (1) cultural factors, (2) indicators of socioeconomic status, (3) perinatal data reflecting intrauterine growth, (4) environmental exposures, and (5) personal and family history of wheeze. RESULTS: Height- and gender-adjusted forced vital capacity (FVC) and forced expired volume in 1 second (FEV1) were lower in South Asian than white children (relative difference -11% and -9% respectively, P < .001), but PEF and FEF50 were similar (P ≥ .5). FEV1/FVC was higher in South Asians (1.8%, P < .001). These differences remained largely unchanged in all 5 alternative models. CONCLUSIONS: Our study confirmed important differences in lung volumes between South Asian and white children. These were not attenuated after adjustment for cultural and socioeconomic factors and intrauterine growth, neither were they explained by differences in environmental exposures nor a personal or family history of wheeze. This suggests that differences in lung function may be mainly genetic in origin. The implication is that ethnicity-specific predicted values remain important specifically for South Asian children.

Ethnic and religious polarization and social conflict

In this paper we examine the link between ethnic and religious polarization and conflict using interpersonal distances for ethnic and religious attitudes obtained from the World Values Survey. We use the Duclos et al (2004) polarization index. We measure conflict by means on an index of social unrest, as well as by the standard conflict onset or incidence based on a threshold number of deaths. Our results show that taking distances into account significantly improves the quality of the fit. Our measure of polarization outperforms the measure used by Montalvo and Reynal-Querol (2005) and the fractionalization index. We also obtain that both ethnic and religious polarization are significant in explaining conflict. The results improve when we use an indicator of social unrest as the dependent variable.

Prevalence of victims of violence admitted to an emergency department.

OBJECTIVE: To collect data on the consultation frequency and demographic profile of victims of violence attending an emergency department (ED) in Switzerland. METHODS: We undertook screening of all admitted adult patients (>16 years) in the ED of the CHUV, Lausanne, Switzerland, over a 1 month period, using a modified version of the Partner Violence Screen questionnaire. Exclusionary criteria were: life threatening injury (National Advisory Committee on Aeronautics score > or =4), or inability to understand or speak French, to give oral informed consent, or to be questioned without a family member or accompanying person being present. Data were collected on history of physical and/or psychological violence during the previous 12 months, the type of violence experienced by the patient, and if violence was the reason for the current consultation. Sociodemographic data were obtained from the registration documents. RESULTS: The final sample consisted of 1602 patients (participation rate of 77.2%), with a refusal rate of 1.1%. Violence during the past 12 months was reported by 11.4% of patients. Of the total sample, 25% stated that violence was the reason for the current consultation; of these, 95% of patients were confirmed as victims of violence by the ED physicians. Patients reporting violence were more likely to be young and separated from their partner. Men were more likely to be victims of public violence and women more commonly victims of domestic violence. CONCLUSIONS: Based on this monthly prevalence rate, we estimate that over 3000 adults affected by violence consult our ED per annum. This underlines the importance of the problem and the need to address it. Health services organisations should establish measures to improve quality of care for victims. Guidelines and educational programmes for nurses and physicians should be developed in order to enhance providers' skills and basic knowledge of all types of violence, how to recognise and interact appropriately with victims, and where to refer these patients for follow up care in their local networks.