948 resultados para Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in 1972


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The stress problem of two equal circular elastic inclusions in a pressurised cylindrical shell has been solved by using single inclusion solutions together with Graf’s addition theorem. The effect of the inter-inclusion distance on the interface stresses in the shell as well as in the inclusion is studied. The results obtained for small values of curvature parameter fi @*=(a*/8Rt) [12(1-v*)]“*, a, R, t being inclusion radius and shell radius and thickness) when compared with the flat-plate results show good agreement. The results obtained in non-dimensional form are presented graphically.

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This paper estimates the extent of income underreporting by the self-employed in Finland using the expenditure based approach developed by Pissarides & Weber (1989). Household spending data are for the years 1994 to 1996. The results suggest that self-employment income in Finland is underreported by some 27% on average. Since income for the self-employed is about 8 % of all incomes in Finland, the size of this part of the black economy in Finland is estimated to be about 2,3% of GDP.

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In Jivraj v Hashwani, the Supreme Court considered what requirements are necessary for a relationship to be considered as an employment relationship for the purposes of determining the scope of domestic employment discrimination law. The Court held that an element of subordination was necessary for the relationship to be considered employment under a contract personally to do work. This article discusses what the Court in Jivraj meant by this requirement, contrasting two differing views of subordination. It examines some implications of the decision for the relationship between employment law and anti-discrimination law, and for recent debates on the scope of employment law more generally.

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This article in one of the leading German journals on labour law analyses the shortcomings of German labour law at the time (2004) in relation to the EU non-discrimination directives. It states that the reluctance to legislate against race, sex and disability discrimination must be overcome, if the demands of the directives are to be fulfilled. It also explains how those forms of discrimination could already be addressed by interpreting German labour law in line with those directives and constitutional requirements. Only in 2006 was the relevant legislation finally passed (three years later than required).

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This article analyses the relevance of the ECJ ruling in Junk for German labour law.

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The Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools is a novel foray into a genre previously associated with so-called “transitional” democracies from the post-Communist world and the global South. This basic fact notwithstanding, a systematic comparison with the broader universe of truth commission-hosting countries reveals that the circumstances surrounding the Canadian TRC are not entirely novel. This article develops this argument by distilling from the transitional justice literature several bases of comparison designed to explain how a truth commission’s capacity to promote new cultures of justice and accountability in the wake of massive violations of human rights is affected by the socio-political context in which the commission occurs; the injustices it is asked to investigate; and the nature of its mandate. It concludes that these factors, compounded by considerations unique to the Canadian context, all militate against success. If Canadian citizens and policymakers fail to meet this profound ethIcal challenge, they will find themselves occupying the transition-wrecking role played more familiarly by the recalcitrant and unreformed military and security forces in the world’s more evidently authoritarian states.

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The Judicial Appointments Commission was established in Malaysia in 2009 to ensure unbiased selection of judicial candidates for the consideration of the Prime Minister, who has the final say regarding the appointment of judges to the superior courts. But the provisions concerning Prime Minister’s power to appoint the majority of the members of the Commission and his unfettered power of removing four of the five appointed members without assigning any reason, have calculatedly been devised for ensuring the selection of judicial candidates having right political patronage in accordance with the covert wishes of the Prime Minister. Furthermore, the Prime Minister’s power of rejecting the Commission’s recommendations of multiple candidates renders the undertaking of a lengthy process of selection unproductive and useless. Thus the Judicial Appointments Commission has become a superfluous body with an ineffective modus operandi to attain the stipulated objectives of improving and complementing the constitutional method of appointing judges to the superior courts. Since the Federal Constitution of Malaysia has not empowered the Parliament to enact a law providing for the establishment of a Judicial Appointments Commission, it also appears that the Judicial Appointments Commission Act 2009 is an invalid piece of legislation.