892 resultados para Critical Theory


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Building on Habermas’s conceptualisation of modes of reasoning, the authors proposed that an application of critical theory to the present bureaucratised nature of communication between state representatives and welfare recipients (Howe 1992) might open up ways in which social workers could reconceptualise their practice. In a subsequent edition of this journal, three of the present authors introduced the radical theatre of Augusto Boal as a methodology which might provide an expressive route for social workers seeking to build a practice combining the intellectual analysis of critical theory with new ways of working (Spratt et al. 2000). Boal’s method recognises the oppressed status of groups who come to the attention of agents of the state and, through the use of a range of theatrical techniques, introduces strategies to facilitate the conscious recognition of such collective oppressions and develop dialogical ways to address them. In the last paper, the authors presented one such technique, ‘image theatre’, and demonstrated its use with social workers in consciousness raising and developing strategies for collective action.

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This article argues that productive work represents a mode of human flourishing unfortunately neglected in much current political theorizing. Focusing on Habermasian critical theory, I contend that Habermas’s dualist theory of society, on account of the communicative versus instrumental reason binary which underpins it, excludes work and the economy from ethical reflection. To avoid this uncritical turn, we need a concept of work that retains a core emancipatory referent. This, I claim, is provided by Alasdair MacIntyre’s notion of ‘practice’. The notion of ‘practice’ is significant in suggesting an alternative conception of human productivity that is neither purely instrumental nor purely communicative, but rather both simultaneously, a form of activity which issues in material products and yet presumes a community of workers engaged in intersubjective self-transformation. However, we can endorse MacIntyre’s notion of ‘practice’ only if we reject his totalizing anti-modernism and insist on the emancipatory potentialities of modern institutions.

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We consider here how cultural and socioeconomic dimensions of justice beyond the state are related. First we examine cosmopolitan theories that have drawn on John Rawls's egalitarian liberal framework to argue that a just global order requires substantive, transnational redistribution of material resources. We then assess the view, ironically put forward by Rawls himself, that this perspective is ethnocentric and insufficiently tolerant of non-liberal cultures. We argue that Rawls is right to be concerned about the danger of ethnocentrism, but wrong to assume that this requires us to reject the case for substantive redistribution across state boundaries. A more compelling account of justice beyond the state will integrate effectively socioeconomic and cultural aspects of justice. We suggest that this approach is best grounded in a critical theory of recognition that responds to the damage caused to human relations by legacies of historical injustice.

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Going against both the naive techno-optimist of ‘greening business as usual’ and a resurgent ‘catastrophism’ within green thinking and politics, The Politics of Actually Existing Unsustainability offers an analysis of the causes of unsustainability and diminished human flourishing. The books locates the causes of unsustainability in dominant capitalist modes of production, debt-based consumer culture, the imperative for orthodox economic growth and the dominant ideology of neoclassical economics. It suggests that valuable insights into the causes of and alternatives to unsustainability can be found in a critical embracing of human vulnerability and dependency as both constitutive and ineliminable aspects of what it means to be human. The book defends resilience, the ability to ‘cope with’ rather than somehow ‘solve’ vulnerability. The book offers a trenchant critique of the dominant neoclassical economic ‘groupthink’, viewing it not as some value-neutral form of ‘expert knowledge’, but as a thoroughly ideological ‘common sense’. Outlining a green political economic alternative replacing economic growth with economic security, it argues economic growth has done its work in the minority, affluent world, which should now focus on improving human flourishing, lowering socio-economic equality and fostering solidarity as part of a new re-orientation of public policy. Complementing this, a, ‘green republicanism’ is developed as an innovative and original contribution to contemporary debates on a ‘post-growth’ economy and society. The Politics of Actually Existing Unsustainability draws widely from a range of disciplines and thinkers, from cultural critic Susan Sontag to the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, contemporary debates in green political thinking, and the latest thinking in heterodox and green economics, to produce a highly relevant, timely, and provocatively original statement on the human predicament in the twenty-first century.

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‘Citizen participation’ includes various participatory techniques and is frequently viewed as an unproblematic and important social good when used as part of the regulation of the innovation and implementation of science and technology. This is perhaps especially evident in debates around ‘anticipatory governance’ or ‘upstream engagement’. Here, we interrogate this thesis using the example of the European Union’s regulation of emerging health technologies (such as nanotechnology). In this case, citizen participation in regulatory debate is concerned with innovative objects for medical application that are considered to be emergent or not yet concrete. Through synthesising insights from law, regulatory studies, critical theory, and science and technology studies (STS), we seek to cast new light on the promises, paradoxes and pitfalls of citizen participation as a tool or technology of regulation in itself. As such we aim to generate a new vantage point from which to view the values and sociotechnical imaginaries that are both ‘designed-in’ and ‘designed-out’ of citizen participation. In so doing, we show not only how publics (do not) regulate technologies, but also how citizens themselves are regulated through the techniques of participation. © The Author [2012].

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This paper considers the value of a normative account of the relationship between agents and institutions for contemporary efforts to explain ever more complex and disorganized forms of social life. The character of social institutions, as they relate to practices, agents and norms, is explored through an engagement with the common claim that family life has been deinstitutionalized. The paper argues that a normative rather than empirical definition of institutions avoids a false distinction between institutions and practices. Drawing on ideas of social freedom and creative action from critical theory, the changes in family life are explained not as an effect of deinstitutionalization, but as a shift from an organized to a disorganized institutional type. This is understood as a response to changes in the wider normative structure, as a norm of individual freedom has undermined the legitimacy of the organized patriarchal nuclear family, with gender ascribed roles and associated duties. Contemporary motherhood is drawn on to illustrate the value of analysing the dynamic interactions between institutions, roles and practices for capturing both the complexity and the patterned quality of social experience.

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This work is part of a collection titled The Edinburgh Companion to Critical Theory, edited by Stuart Sim (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2016) https://edinburghuniversitypress.com/ For personal use only.

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The recent sacking of the eminent scientist Tim Hunt from one of the UK’s leading research institutions is only the latest in a series of cases where public individuals have been derided for comments made in jest on social media, with serious consequences for their professional and personal lives. This article discusses the case of Tim Hunt as an example of the extent to which the privileging of the correct over the true which has long pervaded media discourse is taken to the extreme by the instant-response culture of social media. It points to the emergence of a new form of instantaneity enabled by these networked forms of communication that serves to reinforce systemic inaction rather than the change widely associated with these technologies. It draws on philosophy and Critical Theory as useful conceptual frameworks for highlighting the ways in which Twitter & co. increasingly call us to action but crowd out thought, thereby passing over opportunities for real social change.

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During the 1980's and for much of the 1990's, many countries in the Asia Pacific were renowned for their economic development and prosperity. The Asian tigers were a source of great interest for many economists and international investors. The 1997 Asian financial crisis, however, dramatically altered the growth and the performance of these economies. The crisis sent several ofAsia's best performing economies on a downward spiral from which many have yet to fully recover. The crisis exposed the financial and the political weaknesses ofmany countries in the region. Moreover, the crisis severely affected the wellbeing and the security ofmany ofthe region's citizens. This text will examine the economic crisis in greater detail and explore current debates in the study of international relations theory. More specifically, this paper will examine recent challenges posed to traditional international relations theory and address alternative approaches to this field of study. This paper will examine Critical theory and its role in shifting the referent object of security from the state to the individual. In this context, this paper will also assess Critical theory's role in enabling such issues as gender and human security to find a place on the agendas of international relations scholars and foreign policy makers. The central focus ofthis study will be the financial crisis and its impact on human security in the Southeast Asia. Furthermore, this paper will assess the recovery efforts ofthe domestic governments, international organizations and various Canadian sponsored initiatives in the context ofhuman security.

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My focus is on assessment criteria of language proficiency in community college education. To demand clear writing is an application of scientism; it seeks to keep separate the fact/value distinction of positivism. This dangerously undermines the democratizing possibilities of education, since clear writing, taken to its extreme, is ultimately anonymous and dehumanizing. The active student-as-citizen is, therefore, subsumed under the neoliberal dictate of the passive student-as-consumer. The process of language acquisition is reduced to a fictitious act of knowledge transmission and regurgitation, and, therefore, those subversive aspects of language learning, such as creativity and critical inquiry, are undermined. An initial overview of the tenets of modernity will provide a conceptual framework for this examination.

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L'espace public (1962) de Jürgen Habermas est souvent lu comme le premier ouvrage de sa carrière. Notre mémoire tâche de porter un éclairage différent sur celui-ci, de lire L'espace public comme point d'aboutissement de la pensée habermassienne des années 1950. Par l'exploration d'un certain nombre d'écrits mineurs et majeurs pré-1962, L'espace public se révèle une sorte de théorie critique de la société, encore fortement empreinte de marxisme, faisant figure de synthèse partielle des écrits de jeunesse.

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Traduction du titre en anglais: Making sense of governance in non-formal education : A critical analysis of the Senegalese faire faire strategy

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Dans la philosophie existentialiste de Sartre, l’existence précède l’essence. C’est-à-dire que c’est la réalité humaine vécue qui définit l’homme, et non une essence abstraite qui précèderait l’existence. L’essence de la vie humaine ne serait donc pas à la portée de la philosophie, qui voudrait établir une essence qui transcenderait la réalité humaine. Pour Sartre, cette tentative d’établir une essence est vaine. L’homme n’est pas simplement, mais a à être. Sartre entrevoit dans cette exigence la seule vraie possibilité de la liberté : la liberté c’est précisément le néant qui est au cœur de l’homme et qui contraint la réalité humaine à se faire au lieu d’être. Cette notion de la liberté absolue de l’homme est très forte et a évidemment suscité la critique. Sartre s’est attiré notamment la désapprobation des penseurs de l’École de Francfort. Ils lui reprochent de ne pas rendre justice aux déterminations spécifiques qu’impose le contexte historique, social et matériel. Sa notion de liberté viendrait dissocier l’horizon des possibilités des processus qui les fixent et, du coup le mène à cautionner tacitement le statut quo, en empêchant la liberté de servir de critère pour critiquer la domination existante. Une philosophie existentialiste reste-t-elle possible par-delà cette critique? La croyance en le caractère absurde de la vie humaine et l’exigence à se faire pour donner un sens à l’existence peuvent-elles tenir sans postuler la liberté absolue? Ou bien cette liberté doit-elle nécessairement être circonscrite par une théorie sociale critique, sans quoi l’existentialisme colportera clandestinement le maintien du statu quo?

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Theodor W. Adorno (1903-1969) propose une philosophie dont les problèmes centraux concernent la réalité sociale. Depuis cette perspective, nous démontrerons, à travers la présentation de quelques modèles théoriques, comment les problèmes traités sont déterminés historiquement et comment la quête de leur résolution engage la philosophie à entrer dans un rapport critique avec elle-même. Cette critique a pour but de corriger les excès de la théorie de la vérité comme adéquation dont la philosophie s’est montrée responsable, tant vis-à-vis d’elle-même que vis-à-vis de l’histoire. À travers ce parcours, nous défendons la thèse que le modèle adornien effectue une « négation déterminée » du concept de totalité sociale en vue d’orienter le penser vers la conscience et la connaissance des éléments hétérogènes de la réalité. Selon nous, une telle réorientation permettrait de rouvrir la conscience à l’expérience de ce qu’elle a de plus précieux : la possibilité de rendre compte de ses erreurs et de les corriger.