920 resultados para Counter terrorism


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Ever since Siad Barre’s regime was toppled in the beginning of the 1990’s Somalia has been without an effective central government. As a result Somalia has remained in an anarchic condition of state collapse for nearly two decades. This anarchy has often been put forward as a potential breeding ground for terrorism. As a response to this threat the United States has undertaken several policies, initiatives, and operations in the Horn of Africa generally and in Somalia specifically. In this descriptive study a twofold analysis has been undertaken. First, conditions in present day Somalia as well as Somali history have been analyzed to evaluate the potential Somalia holds as a terrorist base of operations or a recruiting- or staging area. Second, US strategies and actions have been analyzed to evaluate the adequacy of the US response to the threat Somalia poses in terms of terrorism. Material for the analyses have been derived from anthropological, political, and security studies dealing with Somalia. This material has been augmented by a wide range of news coverage, western and non-western. Certain different US policy documents from different levels have been chosen to represent US strategies for the Global War on Terrorism. Because Somali social institutions, such as the clan system, hold great weight in Somali society, Somalia is a difficult area of operations for terrorist networks. In addition the changing nature of Somali alliances and the tangled webs of conflict that characterize present day Somalia aggravate the difficulties that foreign terrorist networks would encounter in Somalia, would they choose to try to utilize it in any great extent. The US has taken potential terrorism threats in Africa and specifically Somalia very seriously. US actions in Somalia have mainly focused on apprehending or neutralizing terror suspects. Such policies, coupled with backing the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia may have actually turned out increasing Somalia’s terror potential.

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The purpose of this study is to examine how a launch of a pharmaceutical over-the-counter sold (OTC) brand can be done by using creative solutions and thus affecting the product life cycle. The study is inspired by a phenomenon called Burana. The Burana brand has been a market leader of OTC painkillers in Finland for the past 27 years. The aim of this study is to “solve the mystery” behind Burana brand’s success by focusing on the launch phase of Burana as an OTC medicine. Farmos Group Ltd (the owner of the brand in 1980´s) had not originally invented the product in question – ibuprofen – and the product had already reached it´s maturity phase, if not even decline from the product life cycle aspect when this phenomenon takes place. This has made the marketing choices, the product launch phase as well as the product management even more interesting from the company point of view as well as from a learning point of view. The methodology in this study is qualitative with a descriptive research strategy, while the study is conducted as a longitudinal single-case study. The methods used in this study have been collecting, analyzing and interpreting the data, which is based on the interviewees’ comments and observed behavior. According to the study, the successful launch phase helped in setting the product one step ahead of the competitors and thus aided the brand leadership and prolonged the product life cycle. Another notable aspect that became clear from the interviews and the documentary of Burana´s launch phase was the innovative idea of involving the people of the distribution chain into the product launch through education. As this study has pointed out, it is not enough to for a company to build an innovative team of employees, but also to offer them an involved and encouraging management. According to the interviews, the support from the company management gave the marketing team the encouragement to be innovative. It can be thus stated that the management of a company has an essential role in fostering the creativity within the company.

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This is a sociological study of the views of officers in the Swedish Army and its Amphibious Forces on tactics in Irregular Warfare (IW), in particular, Counterinsurgency (COIN). IW comprises struggles, where the military weaker part uses an indirect approach with smaller units and integrates the civilian and military dimensions in a violence spectrum including subversion, terrorism, Guerrilla Warfare and infantry actions. IW is the main armed warfare style in insurgencies. COIN is the combined political, military, economic, social and legal actions in counter insurgencies. Data has been collected by means of interviews with almost all (n =43) officers, who were either commanding battalions or rifle and manoeuvre companies while undergoing training for general warfare and international operations. The main theoretical and methodological inspiration is the traditional one for research on social fields, inaugurated by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. The statistical technique used is Multiple Correspondence Analysis. As a background and context base, an inquiry inspired by the Begriffsgechichte (Conceptual History) tradition explores the genesis and development of understandings of the term Irregular Warfare. The research question is outlined as; “how can contemporary Swedish military thought on tactics in Irregular Warfare be characterized using descriptive patterns, mapped in relation to background factors and normative standards? The most significant findings are that there are two main opposing notions separating the officers’ views on tactics in Irregular Warfare: (1) a focus on larger, combat oriented and collectively operating military units versus smaller and larger, more intelligence oriented and dispersed operating units, and (2) a focus on military tasks and kinetic effects versus military and civilian tasks as well as “soft” effects. The distribution of these views can be presented as a two-dimensional space structured by the two axes. This space represents four categories of tactics, partly diverging from normative military standards for Counterinsurgency. This social space of standpoints shows different structural tendencies for background factors of social and cultural character, particularly dominant concerning military backgrounds, international mission experiences and civilian education. Compared to military standards for Counterinsurgency, the two tactical types characterized by a Regular Warfare mind-set stands out as counter-normative. Signs of creative thought on military practice and theory, as well as a still persistent Regular Warfare doxa are apparent. Power struggles might thus develop, effecting the transformation to a broadened warfare culture with an enhanced focus also on Irregular Warfare. The result does not support research results arguing for a convergence of military thought in the European transformation of Armed Forces. The main argument goes beyond tactics and suggests sociological analysis on reciprocal effects regarding strategy, operational art, tactics as well as leadership, concerning the mind-set and preferences for Regular, Irregular and Hybrid Warfare.

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Solvent extraction of calcium and magnesium impurities from a lithium-rich brine (Ca ~ 2,000 ppm, Mg ~ 50 ppm, Li ~ 30,000 ppm) was investigated using a continuous counter-current solvent extraction mixer-settler set-up. The literature review includes a general review about resources, demands and production methods of Li followed by basics of solvent extraction. Experimental section includes batch experiments for investigation of pH isotherms of three extractants; D2EHPA, Versatic 10 and LIX 984 with concentrations of 0.52, 0.53 and 0.50 M in kerosene respectively. Based on pH isotherms LIX 984 showed no affinity for solvent extraction of Mg and Ca at pH ≤ 8 while D2EHPA and Versatic 10 were effective in extraction of Ca and Mg. Based on constructed pH isotherms, loading isotherms of D2EHPA (at pH 3.5 and 3.9) and Versatic 10 (at pH 7 and 8) were further investigated. Furthermore based on McCabe-Thiele method, two extraction stages and one stripping stage (using HCl acid with concentration of 2 M for Versatic 10 and 3 M for D2EHPA) was practiced in continuous runs. Merits of Versatic 10 in comparison to D2EHPA are higher selectivity for Ca and Mg, faster phase disengagement, no detrimental change in viscosity due to shear amount of metal extraction and lower acidity in stripping. On the other hand D2EHPA has less aqueous solubility and is capable of removing Mg and Ca simultaneously even at higher Ca loading (A/O in continuous runs > 1). In general, shorter residence time (~ 2 min), lower temperature (~23 °C), lower pH values (6.5-7.0 for Versatic 10 and 3.5-3.7 for D2EHPA) and a moderately low A/O value (< 1:1) would cause removal of 100% of Ca and nearly 100% of Mg while keeping Li loss less than 4%, much lower than the conventional precipitation in which 20% of Li is lost.

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This paper develops a model of short-range ballistic missile defense and uses it to study the performance of Israel’s Iron Dome system. The deterministic base model allows for inaccurate missiles, unsuccessful interceptions, and civil defense. Model enhancements consider the trade-offs in attacking the interception system, the difficulties faced by militants in assembling large salvos, and the effects of imperfect missile classification by the defender. A stochastic model is also developed. Analysis shows that system performance can be highly sensitive to the missile salvo size, and that systems with higher interception rates are more “fragile” when overloaded. The model is calibrated using publically available data about Iron Dome’s use during Operation Pillar of Defense in November 2012. If the systems performed as claimed, they saved Israel an estimated 1778 casualties and $80 million in property damage, and thereby made preemptive strikes on Gaza about 8 times less valuable to Israel. Gaza militants could have inflicted far more damage by grouping their rockets into large salvos, but this may have been difficult given Israel’s suppression efforts. Counter-battery fire by the militants is unlikely to be worthwhile unless they can obtain much more accurate missiles.

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Cette thèse porte sur le comportement des élites politiques durant les périodes de crise nationale et plus particulièrement sur leurs réactions aux attentats terroristes. Elle démontre que les crises terroristes sont tout comme les conflits militaires ou diplomatiques propices aux unions nationales et notamment aux ralliements des partis d’opposition auprès du gouvernement. L’analyse statistique d’actes terroristes s’étant produits dans cinq états démocratiques (Allemagne, Espagne, États-Unis d’Amérique, France et Royaume-Uni) entre 1990 et 2006 révèle que l’ampleur d’un attentat en termes de pertes humaines ainsi que la répétition de ces attentats influencent dans une large mesure la réaction des élites politiques. Ainsi plus l’ampleur d’un attentat est élevée, plus la probabilité d’un ralliement est grande. En revanche, la multiplication des attentats augmente la possibilité de dissension entre l’opposition et le gouvernement. Par ailleurs, l’opposition est plus susceptible de se rallier au gouvernement lorsque l’attentat est perpétré par des terroristes provenant de l’étranger. L’analyse quantitative indique également que l’existence d’un accord formel de coopération dans la lutte antiterroriste entre le gouvernement et l’opposition favorise l’union des élites. Enfin, les données analysées suggèrent que la proportion des ralliements dans les cinq pays est plus importante depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001. Une analyse qualitative portant exclusivement sur la France et couvrant la période 1980-2006 confirme la validité des variables identifiées dans la partie quantitative, mais suggère que les élites réagissent au nombre total de victimes (morts mais aussi blessés) et que la répétition des actes terroristes a moins d’impact lors des vagues d’attentats. Par ailleurs, les analyses de cas confirment que les élites politiques françaises sont plus susceptibles de se rallier quand un attentat vise un haut-fonctionnaire de l’État. Il apparaît également que les rivalités et rancœurs politiques propre à la France (notamment suite à l’arrivée de la gauche au pouvoir en 1981) ont parfois empêché le ralliement des élites. Enfin, cette analyse qualitative révèle que si l’extrême gauche française soutient généralement le gouvernement, qu’il soit de gauche ou de droite, en période de crise terroriste, l’extrême droite en revanche saisit quasi systématiquement l’opportunité offerte par l’acte terroriste pour critiquer le gouvernement ainsi que les partis de l’establishment. La thèse est divisée en sept chapitres. Le premier chapitre suggère que le comportement des élites politiques en période de crises internationales graves (guerres et conflits diplomatiques) est souvent influencé par la raison d’État et non par l’intérêt électoral qui prédomine lors des périodes plus paisibles. Le second chapitre discute du phénomène terroriste et de la littérature afférente. Le troisième chapitre analyse les causes du phénomène d’union nationale, soumet un cadre pour l’analyse de la réaction des élites aux actes terroristes, et présente une série d’hypothèses. Le quatrième chapitre détaille la méthodologie utilisée au cours de cette recherche. Les chapitres cinq et six présentent respectivement les résultats des analyses quantitatives et qualitatives. Enfin, le chapitre sept conclut cette thèse en résumant la contribution de l’auteur et en suggérant des pistes de recherche.

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Resumen tomado de la publicaci??n

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This document is aimed first of all, make a small introductory reference on the three levels of protection of fundamental rights in Europe with the idea of helping to clarify and understand mainly to non-European systems that we are not talking. For that, based on this, going on to assess the impact generated in these systems suggest that the complaints alleged involvement of European countries in secret CIA flights to combat international terrorism, as well as investigate the responses that have given each protection of these areas to try to clarify them. 

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El artículo constituye un primer aporte a la elaboración de una fenomenología del terrorismo. Para ello, aborda el denominado problema defnicional que el terrorismo plantea en el foro académico, identificandosus fuentes y principales consecuencias. Finalmente, propone una definicióncomprehensiva de terrorismo que aspira a servir de marco conceptual para el desarrollo de investigaciones posteriores y como insumo lógico para la formulación de políticas y estrategias anti y contraterroristas.-----The following article offers a primary approach to the elaboration of a phenomenology of terrorism. In that sense, it firstdeals with the definitionalproblem the word ”terrorism” has originated in academic forums. It does so by identifying the source of this problem and its main consequences. Finally, the document proposes a comprehensive definitionof terrorism, which aspires to be useful as a frame of reference for the future development of research in the feld, as well as raw material for the formulation of public policies and anti and counter-terrorist strategies.

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Is it possible to separate terrorism from armed insurgency? Are all armed manifestations terrorism? Is terrorism a method of action or a logic for action? This article purports to analyze insurgency in the midst of the anti-terrorist era of the new century. By using Vietnam as an example, the author points out how armed insurgency has as of lately been called “terrorist”, yet stresses that this concept should be carefully and strategically looked through in order to better understand the violent nature of two very different phenomena: transactional and trans-national insurgencies-----¿Se puede escindir el terrorismo de la insurgencia armada? ¿Toda expresión armada es terrorismo? ¿El territorio es un método de acción o una lógica de acción? Este artículo presenta un análisis de la insurgencia a la luz de la era antiterrorista del nuevo siglo. Con la utilización del ejemplo de Vietnam el autor señala cómo la insurgencia armada ha sido señalada de “terrorista”; sin embargo, debe revisarse detenidamente de manera estratégica este concepto para entender mejor la naturaleza de la violencia de dos fenómenos diferentes: la insurgencia transnacional y el terrorismo transnacional.

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Este estudio de caso busca evaluar las consecuencias de la transformación de los grupos armados ilegales en Argelia para la seguridad y defensa francesa. Se analiza y explica cómo a raíz del cambio de denominación del GIA al GSPC, y este último al actual AQMI, el gobierno francés ha modificado su perspectiva sobre las amenazas hacia su Estado, conllevando a que las herramientas para la protección de su seguridad nacional presenten cambios con el objetivo de contrarrestar esos nuevos escenarios de inseguridad. Para ello se expondrán autores como Walter Laqueur Mohammed Ayoob y Barry Buzan con el fin de establecer un contexto teórico que permita avanzar hacia el objetivo de esta investigación, el cual se centra en demostrar el cambio de la política de seguridad y defensa de Francia a partir de los grupos armados ilegales en Argelia durante el periodo de 2007 a 2013.

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El presente trabajo busca analizar el proceso de radicalización de la sociedad palestina de la Franja de Gaza con el objetivo de responder a la pregunta, ¿de qué manera las políticas de seguridad implementadas por el Estado de Israel han influenciado dicho proceso? Para esto, en la primera parte se caracterizarán las diferentes políticas de seguridad implementadas por el Estado de Israel en dicho territorio, en la segunda parte se caracterizará el proceso de radicalización de la sociedad palestina de la Franja de Gaza. El objetivo de dicha caracterización es analizar, a través de la teoría de Relaciones Internacionales, denominada como Constructivismo, el fenómeno de la radicalización con el fin de estar en capacidad de afirmar o refutar que las políticas de seguridad impuestas por Israel en la Franja de Gaza tienen incidencia en la generación del fenómeno de la radicalización.