747 resultados para Conditional Party Government
Resumo:
We consider the relation between the conditional moment closure (CMC) and the unsteady flamelet model (FM). The CMC equations were originally constructed as global equations, while FM was derived asymptotically for a thin reaction zone. The recent tendency is to use FM-type equations as global equations. We investigate the possible consequences and suggest a new version of FM: coordinate-invariant FM (CIFM). Unlike FM, CIFM complies with conditional properties of the exact transport equations which are used effectively in CMC. We analyse the assumptions needed to obtain another global version of FM: representative interactive flamelets (RIF), from original FM and demonstrate that, in homogeneous turbulence, one of these assumptions is equivalent to the main CMC hypothesis.
Resumo:
In its first term, the Howard government hired Australasian Research Strategies (ARS), headed by pollster Mark Textor, to conduct market research for several Commonwealth departments and agencies. This was, the Labor Opposition claimed, a case of the Liberals handing jobs to their 'mates'. Textor played a key role in the Liberals' 1996 and 1998 federal election campaigns. However, Labor's attack rings hollow since in the 1980s the Hawke government similarly contracted Rod Cameron's ANOP to conduct opinion research for Commonwealth departments and agencies. At the time Cameron was Labor's strategic pollster and centrally involved in planning Labor election campaigns. On both sides of Australian politics, governments have begun to channel patronage towards their party's pollsters. In this research note, we suggest that this development cannot be explained as 'jobs for the boys'. Instead, this new form of patronage has its roots in the vital role that pollsters now play in guiding election campaigns, and in the commercial reality that Australian politics provides too little work to sustain specialist political pollsters. Parties in government now appear to utilise incumbency to sustain an ongoing relationship with the commercial polling organisations like ANOP and ARS to whom they will entrust much of the planning of their campaign for re-election.
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Whereas in other Australian states voluntary organizations set up and managed infant health clinics and state governments only later became involved, in order to resolve conflicts or raise standards, Queensland began with government control. From the start, these well-baby clinics were established and maintained by the state government, whose policy precluded any involvement by the voluntary sector in baby clinic management or other aspects of the work of the Maternal and Child Welfare section of the Department of Health and Home Affairs. One organization, the Mothercraft Association of Queensland, attempted to contribute to maternal-infant welfare in the years 1931-1961. This article will discuss how the association worked in a way that was complementary to the government's work, and non-confrontationist, to achieve some of its goals.
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US President Lyndon Johnson's state visit to Australia in October 1966, came at the pinnacle of support for Australia's military involvement in the Vietnam War. Johnson's visit also occurred just weeks before an election for the House of Representatives at which the ruling Liberal-Country Party Coalition won its eighth successive, and largest victory, The proximity of these events has led many to argue that a causal relationship exists between the two. Advocates of this thesis, however, have failed to support their position with any evidence other than the anecdotal. Contrary to the assertions made by numerous political historians and observers of the period, this paper finds no evidence to support a thesis of causality. This paper argues that the Coalition's landslide victory in 1966 was both a rejection of the tired and lacklustre leadership of Labor's Arthur Calwell and a measure of the electorate's overwhelming support for Holt and his Government's policies of conscription and military involvement in Vietnam.
Resumo:
Objective To assist with strategic planning for the eradication,of malaria in Henan Province, China, which reached the consolidation phase of malaria control in 1992, when only 318 malaria cases were reported, Methods We conducted a prospective two-year study of the costs for Henan's malaria control programme. We used a cost model that could also be applied to other malaria programmes in-mainland China, and analysed the cost of the three components of Henan's malaria programme. suspected malaria case management,, vector surveillance,,and population blood surveys. Primary cost data were collected from the government, and data on suspected malaria patient's were collected in two malaria counties (population 2 093 100). We enlisted the help of 260 village doctors. in six-townships or former communities (population 247 762), and studied all 12 315 reported cases of suspected malaria in catchment areas in 1994 and 1995. Findings The average-annual government investment in malaria control was estimated to be US$ 111 516 (case-management 59%; active blood surveys 25%;vector surveillance 12%; and contingencies and special projects 4%). The average cost (direct and indirect) for-patients seeking-treatment for suspected malaria was US$ 3.48, equivalent,to 10 days' income for rural residents. Each suspected malaria case cost the government an, average of US$ 0.78. Conclusion Further cuts in government funding will increase future costs, when epidemic malaria returns; investment in malaria control should therefore continue at least at current levels,of US$ 0.03 per person a risk.
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In this article, we draw together aspects of contemporary theories of knowledge (particularly organisational knowledge) and complexity theory to demonstrate how appropriate conceptual rigor enables both the role of government and the directions of policy development in knowledge-based economies to be identified. Specifically we ask, what is the role of government in helping shape the knowledge society of the future? We argue that knowledge policy regimes must go beyond the modes of policy analysis currently used in innovation, information and technology policy because they are based in an industrial rather than post-industrial analytical framework. We also argue that if we are to develop knowledge-based economies, more encompassing images of the future than currently obtain in policy discourse are required. We therefore seek to stimulate and provoke an array of lines of thought about government and policy for such economies. Our objective is to focus on ideas more than argument and persuasion.
Resumo:
We show that by making conditional measurements on the Einstein-Podolsky-Rosen (EPR) squeezed vacuum [T. Opatrny, G. Kurizki, and D.-G. Welsch, Phys. Rev. A 61, 032302 (2000)], one can improve the efficacy of teleportation for both the position-difference, momentum-sum, and number-difference, phase-sum continuous variable teleportation protocols. We investigate the relative abilities of the standard and conditional EPR states, and show that by conditioning we can improve the fidelity of teleportation of coherent states from below to above the (F) over bar =2/3 boundary, thereby achieving unambiguously quantum teleportation.
Resumo:
We investigated the effects of conditional stimulus fear-relevance and of instructed extinction on human Pavlovian conditioning as indexed by electrodermal responses and verbal ratings of conditional stimulus unpleasantness. Half of the participants (n = 64) were trained with pictures of snakes and spiders (fear-relevant) as conditional stimuli, whereas the others were trained with pictures of flowers and mushrooms (fear-irrelevant) in a differential aversive Pavlovian conditioning procedure. Half of the participants in each group were instructed after the completion of acquisition that no more unconditional stimuli were to be presented. Extinction of differential electrodermal responses required more trials after training with fear-relevant pictures. Moreover, there was some evidence that verbal instructions did not affect extinction of second interval electrodermal responses to fear-relevant pictures. However, neither fear-relevance nor instructions affected the changes in rated conditional stimulus pleasantness. This dissociation across measures is interpreted as reflecting renewal of Pavlovian learning.
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Did rank-and-file members of the German Social Democratic party before 1914 bother to read Marx? A number of studies of borrowing from trade union and other workers' libraries since the 1970s have indicated that workers who read Marx were rare, although this does not mean that workers' reading habits were not influenced by socialist ideas. However, for a broader understanding of the reception of Marx's writings among rank-and-file German socialists, it is necessary to consider not only books, but the pamphlet literature produced by the SPD in huge quantities, serialisations and other treatments in the party press, and oral communication. When the full range of sources is considered, the extent of the reception of Marx's writings, albeit often in very simplified forms, can be more fully appreciated.