994 resultados para Claude, Jean, 1619-1687.
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Stability of radiolabelled cholecystokinin 2 (CCK2) receptor targeting peptides has been a major limitation in the use of such radiopharmaceuticals especially for targeted radionuclide therapy applications, e.g. for treatment of medullary thyroid carcinoma (MTC). The purpose of this study was to compare the in vitro stability of a series of peptides binding to the CCK2 receptor [selected as part of the COST Action on Targeted Radionuclide Therapy (BM0607)] and to identify major cleavage sites.
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Specific overexpression of cholecystokinin 2 (CCK2)/gastrin receptors has been demonstrated in several tumours of neuroendocrine origin. In some of these cancer types, such as medullary thyroid cancer (MTC), a sensitive diagnostic modality is still unavailable and therapeutic options for inoperable lesions are needed. Peptide receptor radionuclide therapy (PRRT) may be a viable therapeutic strategy in the management of these patients. Several CCK2R-targeted radiopharmaceuticals have been described in recent years. As part of the European Union COST Action BM0607 we studied the in vitro and in vivo characteristics of 12 1,4,7,10-tetraazacyclododecane-1,4,7,10-tetraacetic acid (DOTA)-conjugated CCK2R binding peptides. In the present study, we analysed binding and internalization characteristics. Stability, biodistribution and imaging studies have been performed in parallel by other centres involved in the project.
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Cholecystokinin 2 (CCK-2) receptor overexpression has been demonstrated in various tumours such as medullary thyroid carcinomas and small-cell lung cancers. Due to this high expression, CCK-2 receptors might be suitable targets for radionuclide imaging and/or radionuclide therapy. Several CCK-2 receptor-binding radiopeptides have been developed and some have been tested in patients. Here we aimed to compare the in vivo tumour targeting properties of 12 (111)In-labelled 1,4,7,10-tetraazacyclododecane-1,4,7,10-tetraacetic acid (DOTA)-conjugated gastrin/CCK2 receptor-binding peptides.
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Radiolabelled glucagon-like peptide 1 (GLP-1) receptor agonists have recently been shown to successfully image benign insulinomas in patients. Moreover, it was recently reported that antagonist tracers were superior to agonist tracers for somatostatin and gastrin-releasing peptide receptor targeting of tumours. The present preclinical study determines therefore the value of an established GLP-1 receptor antagonist for the in vitro visualization of GLP-1 receptor-expressing tissues in mice and humans.
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Targeting of tumours positive for somatostatin receptors (sst) with radiolabelled peptides is of interest for tumour localization, staging, therapy follow-up and targeted radionuclide therapy. The peptides used clinically are exclusively agonists, but recently we have shown that the radiolabelled somatostatin-based antagonist (111)In-DOTA-sst2-ANT may be preferable to agonists. However, a comprehensive study of this radiolabelled antagonist to determine its significance was lacking. The present report describes the evaluation of this novel antagonist labelled with (111)In and (177)Lu in three different tumour models.
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PURPOSE: To investigate the in vitro binding properties of a novel radiolabelled bombesin analogue, (177)Lu-AMBA, in human neoplastic and non-neoplastic tissues selected for their expression of the bombesin receptor subtypes GRP-R, NMB-R and BRS-3. METHODS: In vitro receptor autoradiography was performed in cancers expressing the various bombesin receptor subtypes. The novel radioligand (177)Lu-AMBA was used and compared with established bombesin radioligands such as (125)I-Tyr(4)-bombesin and (125)I-[D: -Tyr(6),beta-Ala(11),Phe(13),Nle(14)]-bombesin(6-14). In vitro incidence of detection of each of the three bombesin receptor subtypes was evaluated in each tumour. RESULTS: (177)Lu-AMBA identified all GRP-R-expressing tumours, such as prostatic, mammary and renal cell carcinomas as well as gastrointestinal stromal tumours. (177)Lu-AMBA also identified all NMB-expressing tumours, but did not detect BRS-3-expressing tumours or BRS-3-expressing pancreatic islets. GRP-R-expressing peritumoural vessels were heavily labelled with (177)Lu-AMBA. In contrast to the strongly GRP-R-positive mouse pancreas, the human pancreas was not labelled with (177)Lu-AMBA unless chronic pancreatitis was diagnosed. In general, the sensitivity was slightly better with (177)Lu-AMBA than with the conventional bombesin radioligands. CONCLUSION: The present in vitro study suggests that (177)Lu-AMBA may be a very useful in vivo targeting agent for GRP-R-expressing tumours, NMB-R-expressing tumours and GRP-R-expressing neoangiogenic vessels.
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PURPOSE: The aim of this study was to evaluate [(99m)Tc]Demotate 2 ([(99m)Tc-N(4) (0-1),Asp(0),Tyr(3)]octreotate) as a candidate for in vivo imaging of sst(2)-positive tumours and to compare it with [(111)In]DOTA-tate ([(111)In-DOTA(0),Tyr(3)]octreotate). METHODS: Labelling of Demotate 2 with (99m)Tc was performed at room temperature using SnCl(2) as reductant in the presence of citrate at alkaline pH. Radiochemical analysis involved ITLC and HPLC methods. Peptide conjugate affinities for sst(2) were determined by receptor autoradiography on rat brain cortex sections using [DOTA(0),(125)I-Tyr(3)]octreotate as the radioligand. The affinity profile of Demotate 2 for human sst(1)-sst(5) was studied by receptor autoradiography in cell preparations using the universal somatostatin radioligand [(125)I][Leu(8),(D: )Trp(22),Tyr(25)]somatostatin-28. The internalisation rates of [(99m)Tc]Demotate 2 and [(111)In]DOTA-tate were compared in sst(2)-positive and -negative control cell lines. Biodistribution of radiopeptides was studied in male Lewis rats bearing CA20948 tumours. RESULTS: Peptide conjugates showed selectivity and a high affinity binding for sst(2) (Demotate 2 IC(50)=3.2 nM and DOTA-tate IC(50)=5.4 nM). [(99m)Tc]Demotate 2, like [(111)In]DOTA-tate, internalised rapidly in all sst(2)-positive cells tested, but not in sst(2)-negative control cells. After injection in CA20948 tumour-bearing rats both radiopeptides showed high and specific uptake in the sst(2)-positive organs and in the implanted tumour and rapid excretion from non-target tissues via the kidneys. CONCLUSION: [(99m)Tc]Demotate 2, similarly to the known sst(2)-targeting agent [(111)In]DOTA-tate, showed promising biological qualities for application in the scintigraphy of sst(2)-positive tumours.
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PURPOSE: We aimed at designing and developing a novel bombesin analogue, DOTA-PEG(4)-BN(7-14) (DOTA-PESIN), with the goal of labelling it with (67/68)Ga and (177)Lu for diagnosis and radionuclide therapy of prostate and other human cancers overexpressing bombesin receptors. METHODS: The 8-amino acid peptide bombesin (7-14) was coupled to the macrocyclic chelator DOTA via the spacer 15-amino-4,7,10,13-tetraoxapentadecanoic acid (PEG(4)). The conjugate was complexed with Ga(III) and Lu(III) salts. The GRP receptor affinity and the bombesin receptor subtype profile were determined in human tumour specimens expressing the three bombesin receptor subtypes. Internalisation and efflux studies were performed with the human GRP receptor cell line PC-3. Xenografted nude mice were used for biodistribution. RESULTS: [Ga(III)/Lu(III)]-DOTA-PESIN showed good affinity to GRP and neuromedin B receptors but no affinity to BB3. [(67)Ga/(177)Lu]-DOTA-PESIN internalised rapidly into PC-3 cells whereas the efflux from PC-3 cells was relatively slow. In vivo experiments showed a high and specific tumour uptake and good retention of [(67)Ga/(177)Lu]-DOTA-PESIN. [(67)Ga/(177)Lu]-DOTA-PESIN highly accumulated in GRP receptor-expressing mouse pancreas. The uptake specificity was demonstrated by blocking tumour uptake and pancreas uptake. Fast clearance was found from blood and all non-target organs except the kidneys. High tumour-to-normal tissue ratios were achieved, which increased with time. PET imaging with [(68)Ga]-DOTA-PESIN was successful in visualising the tumour at 1 h post injection. Planar scintigraphic imaging showed that the (177)Lu-labelled peptide remained in the tumour even 3 days post injection. CONCLUSION: The newly designed ligands have high potential with regard to PET and SPECT imaging with (68/67)Ga and targeted radionuclide therapy with (177)Lu.
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PURPOSE: Diethylenetriamine-pentaacetic acid (DTPA)-coupled minigastrins are unsuitable for therapeutic application with the available beta-emitting radiometals due to low complex stability. Low tumour-to-kidney ratio of the known radiopharmaceuticals is further limiting their potency. We used macrocyclic chelators for coupling to increase complex stability, modified the peptide sequence to enhance radiolytic stability and studied tumour-to-kidney ratio and metabolic stability using (111)In-labelled derivatives. METHODS: Gastrin derivatives with decreasing numbers of glutamic acids were synthesised using (111)In as surrogate for therapeutic radiometals for in vitro and in vivo studies. Gastrin receptor affinities of the (nat)In-metallated compounds were determined by receptor autoradiography using (125)I-CCK as radioligand. Internalisation was evaluated in AR4-2J cells. Enzymatic stability was determined by incubating the (111)In-labelled peptides in human serum. Biodistribution was performed in AR4-2J-bearing Lewis rats. RESULTS: IC(50) values of the (nat)In-metallated gastrin derivatives vary between 1.2 and 4.8 nmol/L for all methionine-containing derivatives. Replacement of methionine by norleucine, isoleucine, methionine-sulfoxide and methionine-sulfone resulted in significant decrease of receptor affinity (IC(50) between 9.9 and 1,195 nmol/L). All cholecystokinin receptor affinities were >100 nmol/L. All (111)In-labelled radiopeptides showed receptor-specific internalisation. Serum mean-life times varied between 2.0 and 72.6 h, positively correlating with the number of Glu residues. All (111)In-labelled macrocyclic chelator conjugates showed higher tumour-to-kidney ratios after 24 h (0.37-0.99) compared to (111)In-DTPA-minigastrin 0 (0.05). Tumour wash out between 4 and 24 h was low. Imaging studies confirmed receptor-specific blocking of the tumour uptake. CONCLUSIONS: Reducing the number of glutamates increased tumour-to-kidney ratio but resulted in lower metabolic stability. The properties of the macrocyclic chelator-bearing derivatives make them potentially suitable for clinical purposes.
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PURPOSE: Somatostatin receptor (sst) targeting is an established method to image and treat sst-positive tumors. Particularly, neuroendocrine tumors express the receptor subtype 2 in high density, but sst1, sst3, sst4, and sst5 are also expressed to some extent in different human tumors. Currently used targeting peptides mainly have sst2 affinity. We aimed at developing (radio)peptides that bind with high affinity to all receptor subtypes. EXPERIMENTAL DESIGN: Carbocyclic octapeptides were coupled with macrocyclic chelators for radiometal labeling. Affinity, internalization, and agonist potencies were determined on sst1- to sst5-expressing cell lines. Biodistribution was determined on nude mice bearing HEK-sst2 or AR4-2J and HEK-sst3 tumors. RESULTS: High affinity to all receptor subtypes was found. Y(III)-KE88 showed agonistic properties at all five sst receptor subtypes as it inhibits forskolin-stimulated cyclic AMP production. Surprisingly, very low or even absent sst2 receptor internalization was found compared with currently clinically established octapeptides, whereas the sst3 internalization was very efficient. Biodistribution studies of [(111)In]KE88 and [(67)Ga]KE88/[(68)Ga]KE88 reflected the in vitro data. In nude mice with s.c. implanted sst2 (HEK-sst2, AR4-2J)-expressing and sst3 (HEK-sst3)-expressing tumors, high and persistent uptake was found in sst3-expressing tumors, whereas the uptake in the sst2-expressing tumors was lower and showed fast washout. The kidney uptake was high but blockable by coinjection of lysine. CONCLUSION: This peptide family shows pansomatostatin potency. As radiopeptides, they are the first to show a full pansomatostatin profile. Despite some drawback, they should be useful for imaging sst2-expressing tumors with short-lived radiometals, such as (68)Ga, at early time points and for sst3-expressing tumors at later time points with longer-lived radiometals, such as (64)Cu or (86)Y.
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PURPOSE Radiolabelled glucagon-like peptide 1 (GLP-1) receptor agonists have recently been shown to successfully image benign insulinomas in patients. For the somatostatin receptor targeting of tumours, however, it was recently reported that antagonist tracers were superior to agonist tracers. The present study therefore evaluated various forms of the (125)iodinated-Bolton-Hunter (BH)-exendin(9-39) antagonist tracer for the in vitro visualization of GLP-1 receptor-expressing tissues in rats and humans and compared it with the agonist tracer (125)I-GLP-1(7-36)amide. METHODS Receptor autoradiography studies with (125)I-GLP-1(7-36)amide agonist or (125)I-BH-exendin(9-39) antagonist radioligands were performed in human and rat tissues. RESULTS The antagonist (125)I-BH-exendin(9-39) labelled at lysine 19 identifies all human and rat GLP-1 target tissues and GLP-1 receptor-expressing tumours. Binding is of high affinity and is comparable in all tested tissues in its binding properties with the agonist tracer (125)I-GLP-1(7-36)amide. For comparison, (125)I-BH-exendin(9-39) with the BH labelled at lysine 4 did identify the GLP-1 receptor in rat tissues but not in human tissues. CONCLUSION The GLP-1 receptor antagonist exendin(9-39) labelled with (125)I-BH at lysine 19 is an excellent GLP-1 radioligand that identifies human and rat GLP-1 receptors in normal and tumoural tissues. It may therefore be the molecular basis to develop suitable GLP-1 receptor antagonist radioligands for in vivo imaging of GLP-1 receptor-expressing tissues in patients.
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On July 15, 2014 the European Parliament confirmed the new European Commission President. An absolute majority was needed for this purpose, and the 422 votes “For” cleared the 376-vote threshold in the legislative body of 751 members. A Grand Coalition has been formed among the three largest political parties: the European People’s Party (EPP), the Progressive Alliances of Socialists Democrats (S&D), and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE). Considering policy decisions going forward, the European Union (EU) faces the pressing question: Will there be more, less, or similar power from the EU? There are a greater number voices from across the political spectrum contributing to the democratic plurality. European leaders may regain trust by acknowledging that future governance will not be “business as usual” as the reform agenda gets underway. 2014 has been an exciting and important year in European politics. “This time is different” was the motto for the European Parliament’s election campaign. This essay analyzes recent EU political trends with the new Commission leadership and the Parliamentary elections results. The Parliamentary elections, held in late May, and the new European Commission, planned to be in place in the autumn, influence the leadership direction of the 28-member bloc. Additionally, this year on July 1 Croatia celebrated the first anniversary of joining the EU in 2013. Leading the way for candidate countries, Croatia embraces the democratic politics and capitalist market economics embodied by the EU. The greater number of seats held by newer political parties in the European Parliament demonstrates increasing plurality in the EU democracy. The Parliamentary elections have taken place every 5 years since 1979. In this eighth legislative session, the EPP and the S&D remain the largest parties represented, with 221 and 191 seats respectively. As the EU has evolved, a greater number of voices influence politics. The ongoing point of contention on a host of policies is national sovereignty in relation to pooled sovereignty in the EU. The European Parliament is important for democracy in EU governance since it is the direct link from the national citizens to their elected leaders at the supranational level. The representatives of the European Commission are appointed by the national governments of Member States, and their heads of government are the representatives to the European Council. These three political institutions – the European Parliament, the European Commission, and the European Council – together with other important institutions, including the European Court of Justice Luxembourg, form the EU. The new European Commission President is Jean-Claude Juncker, former Prime Minister and Minister of Finance of Luxembourg (1995-2013). After being nominated by the European Council on June 27, his candidacy was voted on by the European Parliament on July 15, according to the guidelines of the Lisbon Treaty. The leadership for the President of the European Commission has been an important issue, considering Britain’s deliberations on whether or not to stay in the EU in the face of a future national referendum. Voting on June 27, among the European Council on the nomination of Commission President-Designate Juncker, was 26 in favor and 2 opposed. Only Viktor Orbán, the prime minister of Hungary, joined David Cameron, the prime minister of the United Kingdom (UK), with a negative vote (Spiegel and Parker 2014). The UK had not been supportive, being concerned that Juncker embraces the policies of a federalist, prioritizing an ever-closer union above the interests of individual Member States. Historically, since joining the predecessor institution of the European Economic Community in 1973, the UK has had a relatively independent attitude about participation in the EU.
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On June 15, 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker, the lead candidate of the European People’s Party, was elected President of the European Commission, with the support of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, and some of the European Socialists and Greens. Amid unprecedented Euroscepticism, the media and many pundits predicted a record-low voter turnout and record-high results for Europhobic parties. The aforementioned parties then decided that the political outcome of these 2014 European elections would also be unprecedented. For the first time in EU history, the European political parties agreed to nominate candidates to chair the institution, which they justified by putting forward Article 17 of the Lisbon Treaty. The European Parliament has often characteristically used political discourse - the logos, to influence the EU’s institutional framework, even though it entails grappling with Member States. It took the form of reports and resolutions, like the official use of the phrase “European Parliament” in 1962, direct universal suffrage elections in 1975 and a European Union in 1984. Nominating contenders to chair the European Commission is no exception. It requires a specific political discourse whose origins can be traced back to the early years of the European Parliament, when it was still the “Common Assembly”. This political discourse is one of the elements thanks to which the European Parliament acquired visibility and new prerogatives, in pursuit of its legitimacy. However, the executive branch in all member states is not intent on yielding such prerogatives to the European Parliament. As a matter of fact, the European Parliament has often ended up strengthening the heads of state and governments, since MEPs are forced to resort to self-discipline. The symbolic significance of its logos and, consequently, its own politicisation as a source of legitimacy, is thus undermined. For instance, in 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker’s election actually strengthened German Chancellor Angela Merkel. First she questioned the fact that the candidate whose party holds the parliamentary majority after the election should be appointed President of the Commission. Then she seemed strongly intent on democratising the Union, when she confronted David Cameron, who openly opposed Juncker, believed to be too federalist and old-fashioned a candidate. By doing so, she eventually reduced the symbolic dimension of the European Parliament’s initiative, and Juncker’s election. She also unquestionably embodied EU leadership. This paper aims at analysing Juncker’s election to the Presidency of the European Commission, as well as other questions it raises. In the first part, I lay out some thoughts about the sociohistorical context of voting in European elections in order to make the readers understand why the European Parliament should be bolder. Secondly, I try to explain how the European Parliament has used the logos as a weapon to grapple with member states for more power, as was the case during the 2014 European elections. Last but not least, I seek to show how Angela Merkel got hold of that weapon and took advantage of it, thus proving that despite MEPs’ best efforts, Juncker’s task will be all the more complicated as he was not the consensual candidate of all the governments.
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Bibliography: pages [335]-342.
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Mode of access: Internet.