974 resultados para Cherokee Indians--Government relations
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Includes bibliography
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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South-South Cooperation has become one of the axis of the Brazilian foreign policy, especially when related to Africa. Besides the economic, political and technologic areas, among others, the Brazilian government created a series of cooperation agreements with many African countries in the field of security and defense. This paper analyses the objective and reach of the actions concerning South-South Cooperation between the government of Brazil and the African countries, especially the ones from Atlantic Africa, making use of a bibliography related to the subject and sources derived from the Ministry of External Affairs and the Ministry of Defense.
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The presidency of Evo Morales, indigenous leader and who heads the party Movement Towards Socialism (MAS), opens a series of transformations in several dimensions. The changes in socio-economic and political power express the critic of long-term coloniality relations between a dominant white elite and an indigenous subordinate majority that deepens after national independence. Following this perspective, present in sectors of support to the government, the strategy of the MAS cannot follow the tradition of social revolutions that operated structural breaks in the mode of production and the state organization, but points to a new decolonizing revolution, cultural and political, articulating an indigenism of broad nature, flexible and open to popular social movements. This view is facing critics in sectors of the left that identify the renewal of capitalist modernization process initiated in 1952 under the leadership of the Nationalist Revolutionary Movement (MNR), extending citizenship and democratizing access to the state for recognition of Indians as such. From this perspective, the transformations proposed by MAS tend to favor a system restoration by diversifying its economic and social base. From the contrast provided by these two lines of interpretation, we intend to analyze the structural possibilities of the strategy of the government of Evo Morales, taking as historical reference the transformations wrought by the nationalist revolution of 1952 and the neoliberal reforms initiated in 1980.
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Waehrend zu Public Governance eine breite wissenschaftliche Debatte existiert und die Analyse staatlicher Aufgabeerfuellung davon profitiert, so steht die praxisnahe Umsetzung weniger im Zentrum der wissenschaftlichen Betrachtungen. Open Government hingegen entwickelt sich als relevante Praktikerbewegung ohne in die wissenschaftliche Diskussion eingeflossen zu sein. Dieser Artikel verbindet die beiden bislang unabhaengig voneinander existierenden Ansaetze und zeigt den Mehrwert von Open Government zur Umsetzung von Public Governance auf.
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El objetivo de este trabajo es acercarnos al conocimiento de los intermediarios culturales que habitaron el espacio fronterizo bonaerense en la primera mitad del siglo XIX. La elección de este período se fundamenta en que a lo largo del mismo se transitó por una compleja relación interétnica que derivó, a fines de la década de 1820, en la aplicación de una política indígena muy particular por parte del gobierno de Buenos Aires. Esta llevó, por un lado, al asentamiento de grupos nativos dentro del espacio provincial y, por otro, al establecimiento de alianzas con otras agrupaciones. Las cotidianas y constantes relaciones interétnicas que debieron llevarse a cabo a raíz de este proceso, produjeron la aparición de un gran número de personajes "intermediarios".
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El objetivo de este trabajo es acercarnos al conocimiento de los intermediarios culturales que habitaron el espacio fronterizo bonaerense en la primera mitad del siglo XIX. La elección de este período se fundamenta en que a lo largo del mismo se transitó por una compleja relación interétnica que derivó, a fines de la década de 1820, en la aplicación de una política indígena muy particular por parte del gobierno de Buenos Aires. Esta llevó, por un lado, al asentamiento de grupos nativos dentro del espacio provincial y, por otro, al establecimiento de alianzas con otras agrupaciones. Las cotidianas y constantes relaciones interétnicas que debieron llevarse a cabo a raíz de este proceso, produjeron la aparición de un gran número de personajes "intermediarios".
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El objetivo de este trabajo es acercarnos al conocimiento de los intermediarios culturales que habitaron el espacio fronterizo bonaerense en la primera mitad del siglo XIX. La elección de este período se fundamenta en que a lo largo del mismo se transitó por una compleja relación interétnica que derivó, a fines de la década de 1820, en la aplicación de una política indígena muy particular por parte del gobierno de Buenos Aires. Esta llevó, por un lado, al asentamiento de grupos nativos dentro del espacio provincial y, por otro, al establecimiento de alianzas con otras agrupaciones. Las cotidianas y constantes relaciones interétnicas que debieron llevarse a cabo a raíz de este proceso, produjeron la aparición de un gran número de personajes "intermediarios".
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Myanmar highly appreciates foreign direct investment (FDI) as a key solution reducing the development gap with leading ASEAN countries. Accordingly, it is welcomed by the government. Myanmar's Foreign Investment Law was enacted in 1988 soon after the adoption of a market-oriented economic system to boost the flow of FDI into the country. Foreign investors positively responded to these measures in the early years and FDI inflow into Myanmar gradually increased during the period from 1989 to 1996. However, after 1997, FDI inflow was dramatically reduced and markedly declined until 2004. In 2005, FDI inflow increased at an unprecedented rate and reached the highest level in the country's history. However, this growth was not sustainable in the subsequent years, as it declined again and turned stagnant at the previous level. In terms of source regions, ASEAN is a major investor in Myanmar, which investment is significantly exceeds the combined investment of other regions of the world. Among top ten countries, Thailand's investment alone is significantly more than combined total investments of the other nine countries. Next to Thailand in terms of investments in Myanmar are Singapore and Malaysia among ASEAN, at second and third places, respectively. The combined total FDI inflows into the power and oil and gas sector represent about 65 percent of the total investment. There are many opportunities for foreign investment in other sectors, which are not, yet exploited. ASEAN countries will certainly be source countries of Myanmar FDI in the future, and Myanmar should expand to other Asian countries like Japan, India, China, Korea, and Hong Kong where its FDI portfolio is concerned. To effectively attract FDI into the country, Myanmar needs to minimize the effect of policy while opening and encouraging other potential sectors of FDI to foreign investors in ASEAN and Asian countries.
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On September 3, 1954, Chinese artillery began shelling Quemoy (Jinmen), one of the Kuomintang-held offshore islands, setting off the first Taiwan Strait Crisis. This paper focuses on the crisis and analyzes the following three questions: (1) What was the policy the U.S. took towards the Republic of China (R.O.C), especially towards the offshore islands, to try to end the Taiwan Strait Crisis? (2) What were the intentions of the U.S. government in trying to end the Taiwan Strait Crisis? And (3) how should U.S. policy towards the R.O.C. which led to solving the Taiwan Strait Crisis be positioned in the history of Sino-American relations? Through analysis of these questions, this study concludes that the position the U.S. took to bring an end to crisis, one which prevented China from “liberating Taiwan” and the Kuomintang from “attacking the mainland,” brought about the existence of a de facto “two-China” situation.
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This paper explores the development of civil–military relations in Myanmar since 1988. After the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) took over the state by means of a coup d’état in 1988, the top generals ruled the country without recourse to significant formal political institutions such as a constitution, elections and parliament. A unique authoritarian regime, where political power was predominantly under the military’s influence, lasted for more than 20 years in the country. It seemed to many observers that the military regime was highly durable and that its dictator, General Than Shwe, had no intention of altering the highly repressive character of the political system. However, a new leader, President Thein Sein, who came to power in March 2011, has decided to implement some political and economic reforms that could undermine the Tatmadaw’s dominant role in politics and the economy. This paper examines the background to this sudden political change in Myanmar, focusing on the relationship between its dictator, the military and the state. This paper’s main argument is that Than Shwe has carefully prepared the transition of 2011 as a generational change in the Tatmadaw and in state leadership. The argument is also made that the challenges created by Thein Sein can be understood as a result of his redefinition of national security and balancing of security-centralism with state-led developmentalism.
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Peer reviewed