Sentidos vermelhos nos anos dourados: uma análise do anticomunismo católico em Londrina no período de 1955 a 1958

This article aims to analyses the anti-Communism in the period between 1955 and 1958 in Londrina, Paraná, from the event march of Production which was reported by Folha de Londrina in 1958. We’ll use as methodological the discourse analysis of French substantiated in studies of Pêcheux (1997) and the mechanisms for structuring of antiCommunism discourse of Catholic Londrina leaders from the 1950s. Starting on survey of documentary sources and bibliographical, specially texts produced by representatives of Catholic church in Northern Paraná during the period of proposed analysis. We intend to analyse Catholic anti-Communism from point of view of its elements. The complexity of the political historical period of reference of this article shows how about communism in Folha de Londrina is linked to a discourse on other prebuilt discourses. This article is built in three steps: the first one is JK Years: Anti-Communism while legitimizing the development policy that we will produce an analysis of JK government that stood against to communism while conception of society and economic and political structures. The second one is the multifaceted anti-Communism in Brazil. We focus on the theoretical discussion on the concept of anti-Communism pointing out many Brazilian facets interpretation. The last one , faith and power: Anti-Communism sense and Catholic church in Londrina (1955-1958) will systematize texts of Catholic leaders about communism and finally analyze them with the proposed theoretical framework of discourse analysis.

Matizes do pensamento político norte-americano na virada conservadora de 1970

This paper examines how the reinvigoration of the exceptional American historical experience appears as a solution to some of the leading neoconservatives, considering Nathan Glazer and Irving Kristol as emblematic, regarding the fall of the American empire, beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, after its rise during the Cold War, the so-called 25 glorious years. We note that the arguments of these authors is rooted in the revival of reactionary rhetoric as an antidote to the decadence of American virtue supposedly caused by Communism, by the counterculture movement and the alleged perverse effect of the welfare state.

Um estudo sobre o conceito de história e tempo presente em Marx através da crítica da economia política de 1859

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Generidade e politicidade no último Lukács

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Transição comunista e ditadura do proletariado na Revolução Cubana de 1959

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

Desenvolvimento do sistema do capital e teorias de transição em Trotski e Mészáros

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

O vermelho que violenta a ordem: os comunistas sob o olhar da DOPS no Paraná

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

O vermelho que violenta a ordem: os comunistas sob o olhar da DOPS no Paraná

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

La Ragione violenta di Ramiro Ledesma Ramos. Fascismo e pensiero conservatore in Spagna

Aunque esta tesis puede leerse desde diferentes perspectivas, tiene una voluntad fundamental: explicar, desde la metodología propia de la historia conceptual, la racionalidad específica del llamado fascismo español. Centra su interés en la figura de Ramiro Ledesma Ramos (1905-1936), fundador del primer movimiento fascista español. Ledesma ideó un proyecto de modernización de España que sólo podía pasar por la organización de un Estado total. Trató de crear un movimiento de masas de corte fascista con capacidad para fundar un Estado total capaz de ser una alternativa viable al liberalismo republicano y al socialismo. El fascismo español emergerá como una experiencia temporal propia de la modernidad. Buscará revitalizar y acelerar un proceso, el moderno, que a la luz de los jóvenes exaltados de principios de siglo se percibía como agotado y decadente. El planteamiento de Ledesma brotaba de la necesidad de combatir aquellas presuntas fuerzas degenerativas (liberalismo, comunismo, conservadurismo, etc.) de la historia contemporánea española para erigir una nueva modernidad basada en el renacimiento de la nación. Al mismo tiempo, se pretende poner en relieve la eficacia de la acción histórica planteada por el pensamiento reaccionario español. Bajo sus coordenadas, la nación jamás desarrollaría los rasgos sublimados de la política moderna europea. Jamás abandonó los pretendidos órdenes del derecho natural del clasicismo católico que, en última instancia, limitaban la potencia absoluta de cualquier soberano político. Esta particularidad histórica, arrastrada desde la primera modernidad, impedirá con obstinación cualquier oleada revolucionaria que supusiera la autonomización de la esfera política y por tanto, la instauración de un poder totalitario. De hecho, cuando se instauré la dictadura del Franco, a lo más que se llegaría, sería a un Estado mínimo, que bajo los presupuestos del tradicionalismo, dejaba a su suerte las dinámicas económicas.

Beatrice Potter e la signora Webb. La politica come amministrazione del carattere

La tesi affronta la vita e la riflessione politica di Beatrice Potter collocandola all’interno del pensiero politico britannico ed europeo della fine dell’Ottocento e dei primi decenni del Novecento. Rispetto alla maggior parte della bibliografia disponibile, risulta un’autonomia e un’originalità anche rispetto alla riflessione del marito Sidney Webb. La riflessione politica di Potter è caratterizzata in primo luogo dalla ricerca del significato immediatamente politico di quella scienza sociale, che si sta affermando come approccio scientifico dominante nell’intero panorama europeo. Il lavoro è diviso in tre ampi capitoli così suddivisi: il primo ricostruisce l’eredità intellettuale di Potter, con particolare attenzione al rapporto con la filosofia evoluzionista di Herbert Spencer, suo mentore e amico. In questo capitolo vengono anche discussi i contributi di John Stuart Mill, Joseph Chamberlain, Alfred Marshall e Karl Marx e la loro influenza sull’opera di Potter. Il secondo capitolo prende in esame la sua opera prima dell’incontro con il marito e mostra come lo studio della povertà, del lavoro, della metropoli, della cooperazione e delle condizioni delle donne getti le basi di tutta la produzione successiva della partnership. Lo studio politico della povertà, cioè la messa a punto di una scienza amministrativa del carattere sociale del lavoro, rappresenta uno degli elementi principali di quella che viene qui definita un’epistemologia della democrazia. Il terzo capitolo riprende il tema cruciale della democrazia nella sua accezione «industriale» e indaga il ruolo funzionale dello Stato, anche in relazione alla teoria pluralista di Harold Laski, al socialismo guildista di George D. H. Cole e all’idealismo di Bernard Bosanquet. Centrale in questo confronto del pensiero di Potter con il più ampio dibattito degli anni venti e trenta sulla sovranità è la concezione della decadenza della civiltà capitalista e dell’emergere di una new civilisation, dopo la conversione al comunismo sovietico.

Die Entwicklung demokratischer Wertorientierungen in den mittel- und osteuropäischen EU-Mitgliedsländern : eine Kohortenanalyse auf Basis des European Social Survey

In dieser Masterarbeit wird die Frage untersucht, ob sich in den mittel- und osteuropäischen EU-Mitgliedsländern der Erweiterungsrunde von 2004 (Estland, Litauen, Polen, Slowakei, Slowenien, Ungarn, Tschechien) in der Befürwortung verschiedener normativer Demokratiemodelle Unterschiede zwischen der jüngsten und den älteren Generationen finden lassen. Diese demokratischen Wertorientierungen spielen für die Persistenz der noch jungen Demokratien eine entscheidende Rolle. Eine Inkongruenz des mehrheitlich favorisierten Demokratiemodells einerseits und der institutionellen Struktur andererseits kann zu Spannungen und Instabilität des politischen Systems führen. Theoretisch werden zwei Demokratiekonzeptionen unterschieden: Das Modell der liberalen Demokratie und das Modell der sozialistischen Demokratie. Dem Sozialisationsansatz folgend, sollte die jüngste Generation ein liberales Demokratiemodell eher und ein sozialistisches Demokratiemodell weniger befürworten als die älteren Generationen. In der empirischen Analyse auf Basis der Daten der sechsten Welle des European Social Survey von 2012 wird zunächst durch konfirmatorische Faktorenanalysen die konzeptuelle Trennung beider Modelle bestätigt. In der Regressionsanalyse wird der Fokus durch die Untersuchung verschiedener Kohorten gelegt, zusätzlich wird für situative Faktoren und mögliche Alterseffekte kontrolliert. Die Ergebnisse der Modellschätzungen zeichnen ein heterogenes Bild. In keinem der untersuchten Länder zeigt sich eine signifikant höhere Zustimmung zum liberalen Demokratiemodell durch die jüngste Generation, wie es der theoretischen Erwartung entsprechen würde. Stattdessen finden sich entweder keine signifikanten Unterschiede zwischen den Generationen oder sogar signifikant niedrigere Zustimmungswerte durch die jüngste Generation. Bei der Befürwortung eines sozialistischen Demokratiemodells entsprechen die Ergebnisse teilweise der theoretischen Erwartung: In einigen Ländern finden sich signifikant niedrigere Zustimmungswerte in der jüngsten Generation.

Non-State United States Support For The Contras During The Reagan Era

Under President Ronald Reagan, the White House pursued a complex foreign policy towards the Contras, rebels in trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, in Nicaragua. In 1979, the leftist Sandinista government seized power in Nicaragua. The loss of the previous pro-United States Somoza military dictatorship deeply troubled the conservatives, for whom eradication of communism internationally was a top foreign policy goal. Consequently, the Reagan Administration sought to redress the policy of his predecessor, Jimmy Carter, and assume a hard line stance against leftist regimes in Central America. Reagan and the conservatives within his administration, therefore, supported the Contra through military arms, humanitarian aid, and financial contributions. This intervention in Nicaragua, however, failed to garner popular support from American citizens and Democrats. Consequently, between 1982 and 1984 Congress prohibited further funding to the Contras in a series of legislation called the Boland Amendments. These Amendments barred any military aid from reaching the Contras, including through intelligence agencies. Shortly after their passage, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey and influential members of Reagan¿s National Security Council (NSC) including National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, NSC Aide Oliver North, and Deputy National Security Advisor John Poindexter cooperated to identify and exploit loopholes in the legislation. By recognizing the NSC as a non-intelligence body, these masterminds orchestrated a scheme in which third parties, including foreign countries and private donors, contributed both financially and through arms donations to sustain the Contras independently of Congressional oversight. This thesis explores the mechanism and process of soliciting donations from private individuals, recognizing the forces and actors that created a situation for covert action to continue without detection. Oliver North, the main actor of the state, worked within his role as an NSC bureaucrat to network with influential politicians and private individuals to execute the orders of his superiors and shape foreign policy. Although Reagan articulated his desire for the Contras to remain a military presence in Nicaragua, he delegated the details of policy to his subordinates, which allowed this scheme to flourish. Second, this thesis explores the individual donors, analyzing their role as private citizens in sustaining and encouraging the policy of the Reagan Administration. The Contra movement found non-state support from followers of the New Right, demonstrated through financial and organizational assistance, that allowed the Reagan Administration¿s statistically unpopular policy in Nicaragua to continue. I interpret these donors as politically involved, but politically philanthropic, individuals, donating to their charity of choice to further the principles of American freedom internationally in a Cold War environment. The thesis then proceeds to assess the balance of power between the executive and other political actors in shaping policy, concluding that the executive cannot act alone in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.