995 resultados para Bryn Athyn Cathedral (Bryn Athyn, Pa.)


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Over time Belfast has been well researched as a site of ethnosectarian conflict, segregation and fear see (Boal et al 1976) and (Gaffiken and Morrisey 2011). The study of socio-spatial patterns of ‘ethnocracy’ is useful, but this article will argue how it is equally important to understand local forms of urban restructuring in terms of global processes that are linked to neoliberalism. To better understand the neoliberal urbanisation of Belfast this article is organised into two parts. The first part will demonstrate how the Northern Ireland State has sought legitimacy in the free market as ‘therapy’ for the production of neutral socio-spatial formations such as the Cathedral Quarter. Secondly it will examine this performance of neoliberal urbanism, as it ‘actually exists’ and demonstrate how market-led renewal has been extended through the clustering and non-sectarian interests, ‘soft’ arrangements of urban governance, cultural re-branding strategies, economic development incentives, and the development of various flagship projects. Critically this place-based grounding of neoliberalism is useful, as it also allows for the contestations of neoliberal urbanism to become real rather than just theoretical. The second part of the article will draw attention to the responses of local, and sometimes marginal, interests that have looked to challenge, adapt and, at times, divert the extension of market-led renewal. To be clear, this article does not want to overstate the performance of such interests. Nor does it want to claim that they significantly impact or obstruct the wider neoliberal urbanisation of Belfast. Instead it is interested in their behaviours and their different methods of working to explore what may be constituted as ‘alternative’, at least in the locality of the Cathedral Quarter. By studying how and why these interests have responded to the extension of neoliberal urbanism over time, it may just be possible to provide a better platform to articulate what more progressive forms of urban resistance might look like.

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This letter is from Allie Grafft to her sister.

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Contient : I園林午夢Yuan lin wu meng.Songe de midi dans le bosquet ; II圍棋馬局Wei qi ma ju.L'échiquier ; III西廂摘句骰譜Xi xiang zhe ju tou pu.Tableaux explicatifs des parties de dés du Xi xiang ji ; IV錢塘夢Qian tang meng.Songe de Qian tang ; V會眞記Hui zhen ji.Histoire du portrait ; VI李卓吾先生(alias 卓老)批㸃西廂記眞本Li zhuo wu xian sheng (alias tcho lao) pi dian xi xiang ji zhen ben.Le Xi xiang ji (Histoire du pavillon occidental), ponctué par Li Zhuo wu ; VII新校琵琶記始末Xin jiao pi pa ji shi mo.Le Pi pa ji (Histoire du luth), édition revue

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A cabinet card believed to be of Mary Bell, photographed by F. Pfaff, Artistic Photographer, of Erie, Pennsylvania. A handwritten entry on the reverse of the photo lists the address "231 Duke St.", however, the company's logo identifies its address as 1011 State St., Ground Floor Gallery. This photograph was in the possession of Iris Sloman Bell, of St. Catharines, Ontario. The Sloman - Bell family includes relatives who are former Black slaves from the United States."Cabinet card photographs were first introduced in 1866. They were initially employed for landscapes rather than portraitures. Cabinet cards replaced Carte de visite photographs as the popular mode of photography. Cabinet cards became the standard for photographic portraits in 1870. Cabinet cards experienced their peak in popularity in the 1880's. Cabinet cards were still being produced in the United States until the early 1900's and continued to be produced in Europe even longer. The best way to describe a cabinet card is that it is a thin photograph that is mounted on a card that measures 4 1/4″ by 6 1/2″. Cabinet cards frequently have artistic logos and information on the bottom or the reverse of the card which advertised the photographer or the photography studio's services. " Source: http://cabinetcardgallery.wordpress.com/category/cabinet-card-history/