814 resultados para Black Studies|Social Work|Sociology, Ethnic and Racial Studies
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Dans ce mémoire, l’objectif poursuivi sera d’éclairer les dynamiques de genre, de race, de classe, de nation et de handicap à travers le phénomène du contrôle des capacités reproductives des femmes. Dans un premier temps, j’essaierai de comprendre comment les passés coloniaux du Canada et des États-Unis ont structuré leur rapport à la reproduction et comment celle-ci est devenue un enjeu politique de premier plan au sein de l’idéologie eugéniste. Dans un deuxième temps, j’explorerai quel a été le rôle de la science dans la mise en place, en Occident, de systèmes experts capables de guider la société vers le Progrès. Ces réflexions me permettront de retracer quel a été le contexte d’émergence des lois sur la stérilisation sexuelle et quels discours de légitimation ont été mis de l’avant afin de justifier l’appropriation des capacités reproductives de certaines populations jugées « indésirables ». Ainsi, je poserai l’hypothèse que les valeurs et présupposés « scientifiques » racistes, sexistes et classistes sous-jacents à l’élaboration de ces lois ont mené à des stérilisations forcées de certains groupes minorisés, c’est-à-dire les femmes autochtones au Canada et les femmes noires aux États-Unis. Je tenterai alors d’évaluer si, effectivement, les politiques de stérilisation aux Canada et aux États-Unis ont été discriminatoires dans leur formulation et dans leur mise en application à l’égard de ces populations. Finalement, je mobiliserai les figures de la welfare queen et de la squaw afin de comprendre comment ces identités assignées ont permis de légitimer un traitement différencié à leur égard et comment elles structurent encore aujourd’hui leur rapport à la sexualité et à la reproduction.
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S’appuyant sur la sociologie des relations ethniques et de l’interactionnisme symbolique, ce mémoire vise à analyser la manière dont des femmes de culture musulmane engagées dans l’espace public québécois interagissent avec les stéréotypes par lesquels elles sont caractérisées dans la société, mais auxquels elles disent ne pas correspondre. Partant du postulat qu’il existe un discours dominant ethnicisant qui dépeint les femmes musulmanes comme des êtres « soumis » et « vulnérables », ces femmes engagées se voient assigner une identité dépréciative qu’elles ne partagent pas. Elles perçoivent donc un écart entre leur identité « réelle » qu’elles voudraient se voir reconnaître par autrui et l’identité « attribuée par autrui ». À partir d’entretiens semi-directifs, ce mémoire propose une typologie des femmes de culture musulmane engagées dans l’espace public québécois. Cette typologie permet d’analyser la manière dont celles-ci perçoivent le discours dominant et les réactions qu’il suscite chez elles. Les résultats de cette analyse suggèrent notamment que ces femmes engagées élaborent des stratégies identitaires afin de voir confirmer et renforcer l’identité qu’elles voudraient se voir reconnaître par la société majoritaire. La mise en place de ces stratégies révèle la porosité des frontières ethniques puisque certaines d’entre elles vont adopter des stratégies orientées vers la « similarisation » au majoritaire, alors que d’autres vont chercher à s’en différencier.
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nationalisme vécu, Flandre, Belgique, mémoire familiale, appartenance nationale, nation
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Ce mémoire de maîtrise porte sur les effets politiques des discours médiatiques sur la gouvernance et la régulation des demandeurs d’asile au Canada. À travers une analyse critique des discours de la presse écrite canadienne au sujet de l’arrivée en août 2010 de 492 requérants du statut de réfugié à bord du bateau MV Sun Sea en Colombie-Britannique, l’auteure identifie les principales interprétations de cet évènement ainsi que leurs relations avec la mise en place subséquente de mesures visant à restreindre les possibilités d’accès non autorisés au Canada, notamment par la création d’une nouvelle catégorisation discriminatoire des demandeurs d’asile. L’analyse révèle l’articulation de ces discours autour de deux thématiques distinctes, mais interreliées. Tandis que les discours sécuritaires associent l’arrivée non autorisée des demandeurs d’asile à une menace à la sécurité de la nation, les discours humanitaires interprètent cet évènement comme une demande d’aide de la part d’un groupe de personnes menacées par leur propre pays. Ce mémoire propose une analyse multidimensionnelle de ces deux cadrages et de leurs effets politiques qui considère leurs dimensions discursives, contextuelles et affectives. L’analyse démontre comment ces deux discours en apparence conflictuels partagent en fait un même sous-texte racial qui fait de ce type de spectacle médiatique un dispositif clé de « gouvernementalité racialisée de l’immigration » (Bilge, 2012, 2013).
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La plupart des personnes qui émigrent au Québec le font à travers un processus administratif qui sélectionne celles qui sont estimées le plus capables de s’intégrer à la société québécoise et dont les compétences professionnelles sont le plus susceptibles d’être économiquement rentabilisées par le pays. Au terme de ce processus, ces personnes sélectionnées obtiennent la résidence permanente. Avant même leur entrée sur le territoire québécois, elles échangent des documents avec les ministères canadien et québécois de l’immigration et passent une entrevue de sélection avec un fonctionnaire, entre autres démarches. Une fois au Québec, elles poursuivent ce processus en suivant des cours de formation sur la culture et les valeurs québécoises. À l’appui d’une approche ethnographique, ce mémoire plonge dans l’expérience de quelques-uns de ces immigrants, pour comprendre la façon dont l’État s’actualise au cours de ses relations avec les individus. Ce travail rend compte de la manière dont, dans le cadre de procédures qui se développent sous une matrice d’hospitalité, l’attribution de la catégorie de « résident permanent » ainsi que les interactions face-à-face configurent un espace bureaucratique structuré par des références à la culture. À travers le processus de sélection, les individus deviennent ainsi les « eux » d’un « nous » Québécois ou Canadiens. Le désir d’intégrer ces immigrants devient réalité au prix de leur construction comme Autres.
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Ce mémoire vise à comprendre l’expérience de vie des jeunes Québécoises de 2e génération portant le voile islamique, qui ont vécu le débat sur la charte de la laïcité au Québec en 2012. Un des articles de ce projet de loi visait à interdire le port des signes religieux «ostentatoires» par les employés de la fonction publique. Une vague de protestation a animé les membres des minorités religieuses visées et une apparition, quoique marginale, des Québécois de 2e génération a commencé à émerger. À travers le concept de lutte pour la reconnaissance tel que théorisé par Honneth et celui de stigmate amené par Goffman et élaboré par Göle, j’ai tenté de comprendre l’expérience de lutte pour la reconnaissance entamée par des Québécoises porteuses d’un signe religieux stigmatisé. Le concept d’hybridité m’a permis également de comprendre la richesse identitaire de ces jeunes qui se manifeste notamment dans l’articulation de leurs revendications. J’ai ainsi mené 13 entrevues semi dirigées sur le mode du récit de vie avec des jeunes femmes âgées entre 19 et 27 ans, nées au Québec et portant le voile islamique.
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A global review of social work education reveals considerable similarity among countries as well as significant differences. Historically, programs of social work education are informed by humanistic values and encompass knowledge of social problems, an understanding of individuals and their environment in interaction, and method of intervention into social and human difficulties. At the same time, structure of social work within the educational system and the length of training vary considerably from country to country. There is no serious international standards' setting for social work education, programs, educators and students around the world. Education programs exist at differing levels of education and for differing periods of time. There are no worldwide data on the number and qualifications of teachers of social work, the number and characteristics of social work students, variations in curricula and type of practicum (Hokeenstad and Kendall, 2001; Hokenstad, Midgley, 1998). North American and European models have had a major influence on social work educational programs in most parts of the world, especially developing countries. Still, the amount of western influence on social work education in developing countries is an issue that continues to be discussed (Hockenstad, Khinduka and Midgley, 1992; Frumkin, Lloyd, 2001). The programs in practice in Europe and North America have influenced the implementation of social work education programs. In recent years this influence has had a big part in the acceptance of the generalist approach. It is very important that social work education programs must be planned in accordance with the social structure and the development process of the society. Because of this, information on the social indicators and social welfare services will be given first then social work education will be stressed upon.
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The aim of the paper was to get an understanding about how the profession of social work explains its relevance and legitimacy in today's Russia, to enlighten the importance of socio-political, professional and educational contexts in explaining the societal position of the social work profession in Russia. This paper begins with the analysis of the processes of legitimization, professionalization and constitution of social work in today's Russia. In addition to functionalist and critical perspectives on these three processes, in its second part the paper employs phenomenological approach looking into everyday life theory of social work that is constructed in routine work at the social service agencies. The third part of this paper talks about the issues of social services and social work with family and children in contemporary Russia.
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The economic and social changes taking place in Russia in recent decades have implied a restructuring of the Russian society. Among other things, Russian leaders have expressed a need for the reorientation of social development. In the 1990’s, cooperation was initiated on a number of social work and social welfare projects with international support, a process further speeded up during President Jeltsin’s state visit to Sweden in 1997. Discussions between the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and the Russian authorities dealing with welfare issues started from the assumption that Russian professional social work was weak and needed to be strengthened. In the 1990's Sida was also given a stronger general mandate to work with other former Soviet countries in Eastern Europe, for example the Baltic States. The Russian-Swedish discussions resulted in projects aiming to raise social work competencies in public authorities, managements and among social workers in Russia. One of the areas chosen for these projects was Saint Petersburg, where several projects aiming to develop new models for social work were launched. The point of departure has been to transfer and adjust Swedish models of social work to the Russian context. The Stockholm University Department of Social Work became responsible for a number of such projects and besides using academic teachers also involved a number of practitioners, such as social workers in disablement services and reformatory staff who could meet and match Russian authorities and partners.
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Objective. The purpose of this study was to determine if there are associations between low parental education and congenital heart defects. ^ Methods. This was a cross-sectional study of 281,262 live born singletons, 1765 of whom were identified by the Texas Birth Defects Monitoring Division (TBDMD) as having heart defects without known chromosomal anomalies. Data on the specific diagnoses of these infants were linked to their corresponding birth certificates. Only infants born between January 1, 1995 and December 31, 1997, whose mothers resided in the Texas public health regions under surveillance by the TBDMD were included in the study. The number of years of schooling of the most educated parent was used to calculate crude, stratified and adjusted odds ratios. ^ Results. An increase in the likelihood of having an infant with any type of congenital heart defect was found among parents with less than 16 years of education, compared to those with 16 or more years of schooling. The association became more marked with increasing paternal age, and was found among whites and Hispanics but not among blacks. Statistically significant associations with low parental education were found for ventricular septal defects, transposition of the great vessels and miscellaneous heart and vessel defects. Among whites, there was an inverse association between parental education and likelihood of having an infant with a severe ASD. This association was not found among non-whites. The suggestion of an association between low parental education and tetralogy of Fallot, was also found, but was not statistically significant. Parents with ≥16 years of education had a greater likelihood of having an infant with severe endocardial cushion lesions or total anomalous pulmonary return than less well educated parents. ^ Conclusion. This study suggests that parental education is associated with certain types of heart defects, especially among whites and Hispanics. ^
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The purpose of this research was two-fold; to investigate the effect of institutionalization on death and CD4 decline in a cohort of 325 HIV-infected Romanian children, and to investigate the effect of disclosure of the child's own HIV status in this cohort. All children were treated with Kaletra-based highly active antiretroviral therapy, and were followed from November, 2001 through October, 2004. The mean age of the children included in the cohort is 13. The study found that children in biological families were more likely to experience disease progression through either death or CD4 decline than children in institutions (p=0.04). The family home-style institution may prove to be a replicable model for the safe and appropriate care of HIV-infected orphaned and abandoned children and teens. The study also found that children who do not know their own HIV infection status were more likely to experience disease progression through either death or CD4 decline than children who know their HIV diagnosis (p=0.03). This evidence suggests that, in the context of highly active anti retroviral therapy, knowledge of one's own HIV infection status is associated with delayed HIV disease progression. ^
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Poliomyelitis is one of the worlds remaining vaccine preventable infectious diseases. In 1988 the World Health Assembly in its general assembly resolved to eradicate polio in the year 2000 and the Global Initiative to Eradicate Polio was launched. ^ This initiative sprang from the successful eradication of smallpox from the world in the year 1979, and the World Health Organization sought to eradicate polio from the world's populations by the year 2000. ^ Several years have passed since this objective was launched, and while some advances have been made, the goal of global eradication remains elusive. At this present time (2007), only four countries are considered polio endemic regions (areas in which the transmission of wild poliovirus has never been truncated). These countries are Nigeria, India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. ^ This descriptive study seeks to examine the process and progress of polio eradication worldwide, with particular emphasis on the polio eradication efforts in Nigeria, problems encountered and progress that has been made towards attaining this goal. ^ The methodology of this study is an extensive examination of documentation and data from the Global Initiative to Eradicate Poliomyelitis (GPEI), the World Health Organization through the World Health Organization Library Information Service (WHOLIS), UNICEF, the Centers for Disease Control and related peer reviewed journals. ^
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Objectives. To determine demographic correlates of having one or more guns in the household of women primary care patients in the southern USA. ^ Methods. All participants in this cross-sectional study were women aged 18-65 who were insured by either Medicaid or a managed care provider and had ever had an intimate sexual relationship with a male partner that lasted at least three months. Prevalence rate ratios and 95% confidence intervals were calculated using stratified analyses for having a gun in the home and the following demographic factors: age, race, educational attainment, marital status, employment status, and alcohol/drug use. ^ Results. Twenty six percent of households had at least one gun and 6.5% had 3 or more guns. The following demographic characteristics of women were associated with having a gun in the household: age (>40) (prevalence rate ratio [PRR] = 1.4; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.1–1.8); White race (PRR = 1.89; 95% CI = 1.61–2.27); currently being employed (PRR = 1.72; 95% CI = 1.22–2.44); higher education; and being insured by an HMO (PRR = 1.92; 95% CI = 1.47–2.50). Neither the partner's unemployment nor his substance use was associated with having a gun. While White households were more likely to have a gun, the same correlates of gun ownership held for both White and African-American households; being married or living as married and higher socio-economic status (i.e. HMO insurance and being employed) were strongly correlated with gun in the household. The following were correlated with having multiple guns in the household: White race (p < 0.0001); increased age (p = 0.005); being currently married or living as married (p < 0.0001); and HMO insured status (p < 0.0001). Among those households with at least one gun, White race and married or currently living as married were associated with having 2 or more guns relative to one gun in the household. ^ Conclusions. Currently living with a man and being of higher socio-economic status were strong correlates of household gun ownership among both Whites and African-Americans. Substance use was not associated with household gun ownership. ^
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This research focussed on the extent to which the characteristics of a sample of 8,554 Mexican-Americans affected their satisfaction with medical care by: (1) describing satisfaction with medical care among the population, (2) examining the relationships between satisfaction with health services and personal characteristics of the population, and (3) comparing the results of the research with the results of studies of personal health services in other times, places, and populations.^ The distribution of sex among this population was close to even with men representing 50.4%, however respondents over age 50 years represent 11.3% of the sample. The highest grade attended was found in the Elementary (37.9%), and 70% responded they have a good health. Ninety-three percent of the sample were attended to within thirty minutes they arrived at their clinic/health center. Eighty-two percent of the sample were "Very Satisfied" with the care they received during their last visit.^ Ten hypotheses were tested in this research. Females tend to be more satisfied than males; age was found to correlate with satisfaction with respondents over 40 years reporting more satisfaction levels; there was no correlation between education and satisfaction with the educated expressing more skepticism about medical care; respondents covered by Medicare or Medicaid were more satisfied; perceived health status rating was highly correlated with satisfaction; respondents who spent less than 30 minutes traveling to the clinic/health center were more satisfied while 82% of respondents who had less than 30 minutes waiting time expressed more satisfaction.^ As remarked by Hulka and Aday that responses to client satisfaction questionnaire often provided socially acceptable answers, the results found in this sample was therefore not surprising. The author recommends that instruments for the collection of information on client satisfaction should be studied and modified where applicable to reduce what John Ware termed Acquiescent Response Set (ARS)--a tendency to agree with statement of opinion regardless of content. ^