867 resultados para third world


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Law and development, as both movement and practice, has led a tumultuous life: a hurried zenith cut short by a fatal critique followed by an opportunistic resurrection. The name alone is su?cient to trigger a range of reactions, extending from the complimentary to the condemnatory. In this article I track law and development’s evolution via an examination of its role in the remodelling of Egyptian society in the post-Nasser era. While the 2011 revolution has encouraged institutions such as USAID to hasten their legal reform e?orts, I argue that these are more akin to counter-revolution by ideology than genuine revolution by law. Nevertheless, rather than relegate the movement to the annals of imperial intrigue, I conclude by proposing the use of legal pluralism to revive, and possibly ignite, law and development’s emancipatory potential.

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In this article, we argue that a unique South American treaty known as ALBA—the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas—puts forward a cohesive counter-vision of international law rooted in notions of complementarity and human solidarity. We further argue that Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) scholars might use this initiative as a springboard to push forward a long-overdue reform of the international legal regime. While, on its own, ALBA is unlikely to pose much of a challenge to the structural imbalances that permeate global society, when juxtaposed alongside the many initiatives of the Bolivarian Revolution, it appears to possess signi?cant democratic potential. With both scholarly and popular support, ALBA may even have the capability of sparking a renewal of a united Third World movement.

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Os biocombustíveis têm estado na linha da frente das políticas energéticas mundiais visto que as suas vantagens conseguem colmatar as incertezas e resolver alguns dos problemas associados aos combustíveis fósseis. O biodiesel tem provado ser um combustível muito fiável, alternativo ao petrodiesel. É uma mistura de ésteres alquílicos produzidos a partir de óleos vegetais e gorduras animais através de uma reacção de transesterificação. Como combustível, o biodiesel é economicamente viável, socialmente responsável, tecnicamente compatível e ambientalmente amigável. O principal desafio associado ao seu desenvolvimento tem a ver com a escolha de matéria-prima para a sua produção. Nos países do terceiro mundo, óleos alimentares são mais importantes para alimentar pessoas do que fazer funcionar carros. Esta tese tem como objectivos produzir/processar biodiesel a partir de recursos endógenos de Timor-Leste e medir/prever as propriedades termodinâmicas do biodiesel, a partir das dos esteres alquílicos. A síntese do biodiesel a partir dos óleos de Aleurites moluccana, Jatropha curcas e borras de café foram aqui estudados. As propriedades termodinâmicas como densidade, viscosidade, tensão superficial, volatilidade e velocidade do som também foram medidas e estimadas usando modelos preditivos disponíveis na literatura, incluindo as equações de estado CPA e soft-SAFT. Timor-Leste é um país muito rico em recursos naturais, mas a maioria da população ainda vive na pobreza e na privação de acesso a serviços básicos e condições de vida decentes. A exploração de petróleo e gás no mar de Timor tem sido controlado pelo Fundo Petrolífero. O país ainda carece de electricidade e combustíveis que são cruciais para materializar as políticas de redução da pobreza. Como solução, o governo timorense criou recentemente o Plano Estratégico de Desenvolvimento a 20 anos cujas prioridades incluem trazer o desenvolvimento do petróleo do mar para a costa sul de Timor-Leste e desenvolver as energias renováveis. É neste último contexto que o biodiesel se insere. O seu desenvolvimento no país poderá ser uma solução para o fornecimento de electricidade, a criação de empregos e sobretudo o combate contra a pobreza e a privação. Para ser usado como combustível, no entanto, o biodiesel deve possuir propriedades termodinâmicas coerentes com as especificadas nas normas da ASTM D6751 (nos Estados Unidos) ou EN 14214 (na Europa) para garantir uma adequada ignição, atomização e combustão do biodiesel no motor.

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An experimental study aimed at assessing the influence of redundancy and neutrality on the performance of an (1+1)-ES evolution strategy modeled using Markov chains and applied to NK fitness landscapes is presented. For the study, two families of redundant binary representations, one non-neutral family which is based on linear transformations and that allows the phenotypic neighborhoods to be designed in a simple and effective way, and the neutral family based on the mathematical formulation of error control codes are used. The results indicate whether redundancy or neutrality affects more strongly the behavior of the algorithm used.

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Infectious diseases often hamper the production of aquatic organisms in aquaculture systems, causing economical losses, environmental problems and consumer safety issues. The conventional way aquaculture producers had to control pathogens was by means of synthetic antibiotics and chemicals. This procedure had consequences in the emergence of more resilient pathogens, drug contamination of seafood products and local ecosystems. To avoid the repercussions of antibiotic use, vaccination has greatly replaced human drugs in western fish farms. However there is still massive unregulated antibiotic use in third world fish farms, so less expensive therapeutic alternatives for drugs are desperately needed. An alternative way to achieve disease control in aquaculture is by using natural bioactive organic compounds with antibiotic, antioxidant and/or immunostimulant properties. Such diverse biomolecules occur in bacteria, algae, fungi, higher plants and other organisms. Fatty acids, nucleotides, monosaccharides, polysaccharides, peptides, polyphenols and terpenoids, are examples of these substances. One promising source of bioactive compounds are salt tolerant plants. Halophytes have more molecular resources and defence mechanisms, when compared with other tracheophytes, to deal with the oxidative stresses of their habitat. Many halophytes have been used as a traditional food and medical supply, especially by African and Asian cultures. This scientific work evaluated the antibiotic, antioxidant, immunostimulant and metal chelating properties of Atriplex halimus L., Arthrocnemum macrostachyum Moric., Carpobrotus edulis L., Juncus acutus L. and Plantago coronopus L., from the Algarve coast. The antibiotic properties were tested against Listonella anguillarum, Photobacterium damselae piscicida and Vibrio fischeri. The immunostimulant properties were tested with cytochrome c and Griess assays on Sparus aurata head-kidney phagocytes. J. acutus ether extract inhibited the growth of P. damselae piscicida. A. macrostachyum, A. halimus, C. edulis, Juncus acutus and P. coronopus displayed antioxidant, copper chelating and iron chelating properties. These plants show potential as sources of bioactive compounds with application in aquaculture and in other fields.

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This essay reviews the decision-making process that led to India exploding a nuclear device in May, 1974. An examination of the Analytic, Cybernetic and Cognitive Theories of decision, will enable a greater understanding of the events that led up to the 1974 test. While each theory is seen to be only partially useful, it is only by synthesising the three theories that a comprehensive account of the 1974 test can be given. To achieve this analysis, literature on decision-making in national security issues is reviewed, as well as the domestic and international environment in which involved decisionmakers operated. Finally, the rationale for the test in 1974 is examined. The conclusion revealed is that the explosion of a nuclear device by India in 1974 was primarily related to improving Indian international prestige among Third World countries and uniting a rapidly disintegrating Indian societal consensus. In themselves, individual decision-making theories were found to be of little use, but a combination of the various elements allowed a greater comprehension of the events leading up to the test than might otherwise have been the case.

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The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

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The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

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Le problème de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde n’est pas d’abord une question économique. Il est avant tout politique parce qu’il est la conséquence directe des choix de société et de l’organisation du pouvoir au niveau des États et des diverses instances de la communauté internationale. Le politique a pour objet la conquête du pouvoir et la répartition des richesses à grande échelle. Il s’agit aussi d’un problème moral parce que les options prises collectivement par les peuples et le concert des nations ne s’orientent pas toujours vers la vertu de justice et l’égalité de chances pour tous. Extrême pauvreté et justice globale forment un binôme qui nous ramène donc au cœur de la philosophie politique et morale. Après la Seconde guerre mondiale, la philosophie politique a élargi ses horizons. Elle réfléchit davantage à l’exercice du pouvoir sur la scène internationale et la distribution des richesses au niveau mondial. Le phénomène de la mondialisation économique crée une dépendance mutuelle et d’importantes influences multilatérales entre les États. Plus que par le passé, l’autarcie n’est guère envisageable. Le dogme de la souveraineté intangible des États, issu du Traité de Westphalie au XVIIe siècle, s’avère de plus en plus caduque au regard des enjeux communs auxquels l’humanité fait actuellement face. D’où la nécessité d’une redéfinition du sens des souverainetés nationales et d’une fondation des droits cosmopolitiques pour chaque individu de la planète. Voilà pourquoi le binôme extrême pauvreté/justice globale nécessite une réflexion philosophique sur le concept de la responsabilité qui s’étend non seulement sur la sphère nationale, mais aussi sur une large amplitude cosmopolitique. L’expression « pays du Tiers-monde » peut sembler archaïque, péjorative et humiliante. Cependant, mieux que celles de « pays sous-développés » ou « pays en voie de développement », elle rend compte, sans euphémisme, de la réalité crue, brute et peu élégante de la misère politique et économique qui y sévit. Bien qu’elle semble désuète, elle délimite assez clairement le domaine de définition conceptuel et géographique de notre champ d’investigation philosophique. Elle désigne l’ensemble des pays qui sont exclus de la richesse économique répartie entre les nations. Étant donné que le pouvoir économique va généralement avec le pouvoir politique, cet ensemble est aussi écarté des centres décisionnels majeurs. Caractérisée par une pauvreté extrême, la réalité tiers-mondiste nécessité une analyse minutieuse des causes de cette marginalisation économique et politique à outrance. Une typologie de la notion de responsabilité en offre une figure conceptuelle avec une géométrie de six angles : la causalité, la moralité, la capacité, la communauté, le résultat et la solidarité, comme fondements de la réparation. Ces aspects sous lesquels la responsabilité est étudiée, sont chapeautés par des doctrines philosophiques de types conséquentialiste, utilitariste, déontologique et téléologique. La typologie de la responsabilité donne lieu à plusieurs solutions : aider par philanthropie à sauver des vies humaines ; établir et assigner des responsabilités afin que les torts passés et présents soient réparés aussi bien au niveau national qu’international ; promouvoir l’obligation de protéger dans un contexte international sain qui prenne en considération le devoir négatif de ne pas nuire aux plus défavorisés de la planète ; institutionnaliser des règles transfrontalières de justice ainsi que des droits cosmopolitiques. Enfin, nous entendrons par omniresponsabilité la responsabilité de tous vis-à-vis de ceux qui subissent les affres de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde. Loin d’être un concept-valise fourre-tout, c’est un ensemble de responsabilités partagées par des acteurs identifiables de la scène mondiale, en vue de la coréparation due aux victimes de l’injustice globale. Elle vise un telos : l’épanouissement du bien-être du citoyen du monde.

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The majority of women in Third World countries depend on land for their livelihood. Security of tenure is important for them to ensure sustainable development, especially in rural areas. In most parts of Africa, land ownership is affected by traditional values, inheritance rights, and government influence. These forces have provided varying types of tenure which are detrimental to the women in rural and urban areas. Land acquisition and its development has been an emotive issue due to traditional pressures and the law as regards the process of land certification. The government and traditional administrations are highly involved in the way women own land and subsequently develop it in Anglophone Cameroon. State authority over land acquisition is important, but the process for obtaining land title is herculean especially for the rural woman. This study illustrates that land acquisition and development by women constitute a problem because of traditional pressures and the law guiding the process of land certification. There is need to exhume the barriers of government’s legal instrument (The Land Consultative Board) that regulates the ownership of land and to revisit some traditional practices as regards land ownership that impact negatively on women in a changing and globalizing world. A compromise approach is advocated for land acquisition that can transcend traditional barriers as well as render the process of land registration more realistic especially for women.

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Prenant l’affaire Probo Koala en Côte d’Ivoire comme l’élément déclencheur d’une observation, ce mémoire étudie les fondements des mouvements transfrontières illégaux des déchets dangereux des pays développés vers les pays en développement. En effet, nonobstant la pluralité des dispositions juridiques internationales, le transfert des déchets illicites demeure une actualité dans les pays du tiers monde dont particulièrement ceux de l’Afrique noire et à la fois un tabou dans ceux du Nord et du Sud. Les deux domaines proposés, droit international et national, montrent comment les faiblesses et la non-application des dispositions juridiques conduisent à des actes socialement irresponsables. De ce fait, des réformes tant au niveau juridique que judiciaire ainsi que l’implication des parties prenantes sont suggérées comme solutions pour combattre ce fléau.

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Seit gut zehn Jahren erlebt die Windenergienutzung in Deutschland einen in der Mitte der 80er Jahre nicht für möglich gehaltenen Aufschwung. Anlagenanzahl und installierte Leistung haben in diesem Zeitraum mit durchschnittlichen jährlichen Wachstumsraten von mehr als 30 Prozent zugenommen, die mittlere installierte Leistung pro neu errichteter Anlage stieg dabei um das Zehnfache und die technische Verfügbarkeit der Anlagen liegt mittlerweile bei über 98 Prozent. Mit größer werdenden Anlagen zeigt sich weiterhin ein klarer Trend zu Blattwinkel verstellbaren Konzepten, mit zunehmend drehzahlvariabler Betriebsweise. Vor dem von Vielen für die kommenden drei bis sechs Jahre prognostizierten Einstieg in die großtechnische Offshore- Windenergienutzung mit den damit verbundenen immensen technologischen und strukturellen Herausforderungen erscheint es sinnvoll, einen kritischen Blick zurückzuwerfen auf die 90er Jahre mit den ihnen zugrunde liegenden förderpolitischen Rahmenbedingungen. Dabei soll die Frage beantwortet werden, welchen konkreten Einfluss die staatlichen Forschungs- und Förderprogramme, besonders das "250 MW Wind"-Programm, auf die Entwicklung der Windenergienutzung hatten, das heißt, unter welchen Bedingungen sich bestimmte Techniklinien durchsetzten, wie der Einfluss eines geschützten Marktes durch gesetzlich garantierte Einspeisetarife auf diese Entwicklung zu bewerten ist und schließlich, welche Fehlentwicklungen möglicher Weise eingetreten sind. Dazu wird mit Hilfe von Lernkurven gezeigt, welche Kostenreduktionen insgesamt erzielt wurden, wie hoch die dazu notwendigen staatlichen Finanzmittel waren und welche Schlussfolgerungen daraus für die Zukunft abgeleitet werden können. Die Arbeit soll insgesamt dazu beitragen, die erreichten technischen Entwicklungsschritte vor dem Hintergrund der förderpolitischen Gegebenheiten besser zu verstehen, Chancen für gezielte Änderungen in der Förderpraxis zu ergreifen und Hinweise auf die Ausgestaltung von zukünftigen Forschungsprogrammen und Entwicklungsschwerpunkten im Bereich der Windenergie zu geben, um weitere Kostensenkungspotenziale auszuschöpfen. Dabei wird sich die zukünftige Schwerpunktsetzung in der programmatischen Ausrichtung der Forschung stärker auf die drei wichtigsten Anwendungsfelder für Windenergieanlagen konzentrieren müssen, die großtechnische Offshore- Anwendung, die netzgebundene, dezentrale Energieversorgung sowie auf Windenergieanlagen zur ländlichen Elektrifizierung in autonomen Versorgungssystemen für Schwellen- und Entwicklungsländer.

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Enhancement of financial inclusivity of rural communities is often recognised as a key strategy for achieving economic development in third world countries. The main objective of this study was to examine the factors that influence consumers’ choice of a rural bank in Gicumbi district of Rwanda. Data was collected using structured questionnaires and analysed using a binary probit regression model and non-parametric procedures. Most consumers were aware of Popular Bank of Rwanda (BPR) and Umurenge SACCO through radio advertisements, social networks and community meetings. Accessibility, interest rates and quality of services influenced choice of a given financial intermediary. Moreover, the decision to open a rural bank account was significantly influenced by education and farm size (p<0.1). These results indicate the need for financial managers to consider these findings for successful marketing campaigns.